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September 19, 2017

The Pardon of Sheriff Joe Arpaio and the Rule of Law

[Cross-posted from Latinx Talk]

By Kevin Johnson

In August 2017, President Trump pardoned former Maricopa County (Arizona) Sheriff Joe Arpaio, who a federal court found guilty of criminal contempt for intentionally violating numerous court orders in a civil rights lawsuit. In so doing, President Trump pardoned a flagrant and repeated violator of Latina/o civil rights and sent a deeply troubling message to the entire nation.

For decades, the controversial sheriff’s law enforcement methods had struck justifiable fear into the hearts of immigrants and U.S. citizens of Mexican ancestry. Years ago, the Department of Justice concluded “that discrimination against Latino persons exists in a wide range of [Maricopa County Sheriff Office (MCSO)] practices.  [It] obtained compelling evidence showing that MCSO deputies routinely stop Latinos at much higher rates than similarly-situated non-Latinos...” Letter from Thomas E. Perez, Assistant Attorney General, to Bill Montgomery, County Attorney, Maricopa County, Dec. 15, 2011.

The conduct of former Sheriff Arpaio is part of a long, if not illustrious, history of discrimination in Arizona. The “Bisbee Deportation” of Mexican workers from the state in 1917 is an infamous civil rights milestone. Unfortunately, discrimination against Latina/os in Arizona remains to this day. The Tucson public schools continue to operate under a consent decree entered in a school desegregation case. A federal court this year found that the state acted with a discriminatory intent in eliminating Mexican American Studies from the public schools and thus violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. A series of immigration enforcement, English only, and other laws — some of them vetoed by the governor, others struck down by courts — targeted Latina/os in the state.

Defeated for re-election in 2016, Sheriff Arpaio had made a name for himself in unabashedly focusing on Latina/os in ostensibly enforcing the U.S. immigration laws. Time and again, he stated unequivocally that he would continue to do just that – despite being ordered by the courts to end the discrimination. Arpaio consistently showed cruelty and insensitivity toward inmates under his legal protection. He, for example, made detainees wear pink underwear and suffer the outdoors in scorching Arizona summer heat. Arpaio forced undocumented immigrants in custody to live in a segregated “tent city” that Arpaio himself bragged was a “concentration camp.”

In 2010, the Arizona legislature passed S.B. 1070, a law that Arpaio championed. Section 2(B) of the law, the “Show Your Papers” provision, generated great fear in the Latina/o community; it gave state and local law enforcement officers carte blanche to question people about their immigration status and to expand the already rampant racial profiling of Latina/os. With anti-Latino sentiment lurking in the background, the Arizona legislature passed S.B. 1070 with little, if any, concern for the civil rights of Latina/os. The U.S. Supreme Court in Arizona v. United States (2012) in large part struck down S.B. 1070 as unconstitutional.

After a trial in 2013 that saw overwhelming evidence of racial discrimination, a federal court in Melendres v. Arpaio found that the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office led by Arpaio engaged in a pattern and practice of racial profiling of Latinos in criminal and immigration enforcement. However, that was not the basis for Arpaio’s criminal conviction. The contempt charge instead resulted from the court’s finding that Arpaio for years had intentionally violated numerous court orders designed to end the discriminatory practices of the Sheriff’s Office. The court held a trial in 2017 affording Arpaio a chance to rebut the charges that he had failed to end the discrimination and was not in contempt of court orders. He failed and the federal judge found that Arpaio simply refused to comply with the court orders and his sheriffs continued to discriminate.

In some ways, Joe Arpaio is the modern incarnation of Birmingham, Alabama’s infamous police chief Bull Connor, an ardent opponent of integration in the 1950s and 1960s who directed fire hoses and violence at civil rights marchers.  Boldly defying the civil rights laws, segregationists in the Jim Crow era, like Arpaio today, had to be schooled on the rule of law. In one famous example, President Eisenhower in 1957 deployed federal troops to enforce the Supreme Court’s decision outlawing segregated schools in Brown v. Board of Education (1954). Only then could African American students attend Little Rock Central High School in Arkansas.

Ironically enough, in advocating aggressive enforcement of the U.S. immigration laws, Trump repeatedly emphasized the need to follow the rule of law. But President Trump’s pardon of Arpaio for flagrant violations of the civil rights laws is wholly inconsistent with any conception of the rule of law.

Presidential pardons by their nature are controversial, with President Ford’s pardon of President Nixon for his role in the Watergate cover-up a famous example. Still, in light of Arpaio’s controversial record, the fact that his pardon for a criminal contempt conviction provoked a firestorm of controversy should not be surprising. Still, an American President never has pardoned a person who repeatedly, willfully, and intentionally refused to comply with court orders aimed at ending mass violations of the civil rights of racial minorities.

Arpaio in effect took the view that the rule of law did not apply in Maricopa County, Arizona. This explains why Attorney General Jeff Sessions reportedly told President Trump that he could not drop the charges against Arpaio. And it explains why Republicans and Democrats alike have condemned the Arpaio pardon.

President Trump justified the pardon by saying that the sheriff “was just doing his job.” However, Arpaio’s “job” as a law enforcement officer does not include breaking the law or engaging in a pattern and practice of racial discrimination against Latinos.  Nor does Arpaio’s job as sheriff include intentionally violating court orders. The efforts to nullify a court order vindicating the civil rights of vulnerable minorities are precisely the kinds of unlawful actions of the Southern segregationists of yesterday. In important respects, the Arpaio pardon is akin to jury nullification popular in the days of Jim Crow when juries, whatever the evidence, simply would not convict whites – including police — of killing African Americans.

We live in a time of deep political division. The nation has seen civil unrest unfold as violent clashes take place between white supremacists and counter-protesters. President Trump and his followers have inflamed passion by claiming that immigration laws must be enforced with impunity, whatever the civil rights consequences. The pardoning of Joe Arpaio is entirely consistent with the enforcement-at-all-costs mentality and the sacrificing of Latina/o civil rights for immigration enforcement.

In pardoning Arpaio, the president demonstrates that, despite his stated commitment to enforce the immigration laws at all costs, he is not equally committed to enforcement of civil rights laws. That lack of commitment also can be seen in his response to the troubling recent clashes in Charlottesville. President Trump has made the political decision, consistent with the one to dismantle the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, to side with those opposed to federal civil rights law — and against the rule of law. That is not the message that the nation needs at this time.

September 17, 2017

RAISE Act: Kevin Johnson and global scholars explain "merit-based" immigration

[Cross-posted from The Conversation]

Editor’s note: In February, U.S. Republican senators Tom Cotton and David Perdue, with President Donald Trump, unveiled an immigration bill called the RAISE Act. It would create a “merit-based” points system for evaluating foreigners applying to come to the U.S. through an employment visa.

 

The senators said that in drafting it, they had looked to best practices for points-based systems like those in Canada and Australia. As Congress takes up the issue of immigration, we turned to our global network of scholars to get their perspective on how points systems work.



Kevin Johnson – University of California, Davis, United States

The RAISE Act would drastically reshape American immigration. It will also likely have the unintended consequence of increasing undocumented immigration.

Approximately one million immigrants are granted lawful permanent residence in the U.S. every year. 

The RAISE Act would cut annual legal immigrant admissions by one-half, primarily by eliminating family-sponsored immigration visas for those who are not spouses or minor children of U.S. citizens and permanent residents. This would reduce the total number of family-sponsored green cards from 226,000 to 88,000. Cuts to family-based immigration would primarily affect prospective immigrants from Mexico, China, India, the Philippines and Cuba.

These changes would transform the overall U.S. immigration system from primarily family-based to employment-based. Under the current system, most employment-based immigrants are highly skilled and make up only about 14 percent of those who receive green cards.

Under the RAISE Act, employment-based immigrants would make up a majority of those who receive green cards. The bill would create new criteria for evaluating the most highly skilled applicants.

In the proposed points system, applicants would earn points for meeting certain criteria such as age (preference for person between ages 26 and 30), investing US$1.35 million in the U.S. and having a degree. Extra points are awarded for degrees earned in the U.S. and in a STEM field. Nobel Prize winners, professional athletes and English language speakers would also get extra points.

The bill also seeks to eliminate the Diversity Visa program, which allocates 50,000 visas a year for countries with low rates of immigration to the United States. In addition it would cap refugee admissions at 50,000, which would be the lowest ceiling set in modern U.S. history. 

Halving legal immigration will likely increase the pressures for undocumented immigration. The current limits on legal immigration have already brought roughly 11 million undocumented immigrants to the U.S. 

This is especially the case because the merit-based system will not address the high demand in the United States for low- and medium-skilled workers in the agricultural, construction and service industries. 

Alex Reilly – University of Adelaide, Australia

In 2015-16, Australia accepted 189,770 permanent migrants through its skilled and family immigration streams. In addition, Australia permanently resettled just under 18,000 refugees and other humanitarian migrants. This has been the level of migration to Australia for more than 10 years, adding nearly 1 percent to the Australian population of 24 million every year. This is a considerably larger proportion than the U.S. admits through its migration programs.

Twenty years ago, more migrants came through the family stream than the employer stream. In 2015-16, 67.7 percent of migrants came through the skilled stream and 30.8 percent through the family stream. This change is a direct result of government policy prioritizing skilled migration because of its contribution to the economy.

However, these figures are deceptive, as numbers in the skilled migration stream include partners and dependents of primary applicants. So approximately half of all skilled migrants are actually family members of skilled migrants who do not have to meet the eligibility requirements of the primary applicant.

There are two pathways for skilled migration. The first, general skilled migration, requires applicants to have occupations on the skilled occupation list. Most of these skills are in professional areas such as medicine or engineering, or trades in demand in the economy such as plumbers and electricians. The list is updated regularly based on an assessment of Australia’s economic needs.

Visas for this group are awarded on a points system similar to what is being proposed in the U.S. Points are awarded for age, English language proficiency, skilled employment outside Australia, skilled employment in Australia and qualifications that are linked to occupations on the skilled occupation list. There are also points available for an Australian education, being accredited in a community language, studying in regional Australia, partner qualifications and completing a professional year in Australia. Although migrants in this skilled stream are highly qualified, they do not necessarily find employment in their area of expertise and many remain underemployed. 

The second pathway is for skilled migrants with an employer sponsor. This pathway is open to migrants with wider range of skills and has the advantage of migrants being in guaranteed employment when they first arrive in Australia. Employers must demonstrate that they have a skilled position available, and that there are no Australians willing or able to take up the position. This requires employers to have advertised jobs locally before seeking migrants to do the work. 

Almost all employer-sponsored migrants apply from within Australia, and 44 percent of independent skilled migrants also apply from within Australia, transitioning from temporary work, international student and working holiday maker visas. This reflects the very high number of temporary migrants working and studying on these visas in Australia – 750,000 in December 2016.

Mireille Paquet – Concordia University, Montreal, Canada

In 2015-2016, Canada admitted 271,845 permanent immigrants. Canada’s permanent migration inflows resemble those of Australia but are generally smaller than those received by the United States. Immigration is the largest contributor to population growth in Canada since the early 2000s.

The permanent immigration program is divided into three main streams: economic, family and humanitarian. The economic stream accounted for about 60 percent of the total permanent immigration to Canada in 2015-2016. Family made up 24 percent of the total immigration to the country. These proportions have remained relatively stable over the last 15 years, with economic immigration representing the largest share of those selected for permanent settlement in the countries. 

The economic stream for permanent immigration is currently divided into several programs. The Federal Skilled Workers Program is often used as the flagship example of Canada’s approach to selecting immigrants in relation to their expected economic contributions. U.S. President Donald Trump has praised it on the grounds that it would create economic mobility for both native-born Americans and immigrants.

To be considered, candidates must meet baseline criteria for work experience, language proficiency in at least one of the two official languages – French or English – and education. Candidates are then assessed using a 100-point selection grid that considers factors such as education, experience, age, arranged employment in Canada and adaptability. Adaptability refers to spouse or partner language level, past work studies in Canada for the applicant and spouse or partner, and the existence of relatives in Canada.

To be eligible, a candidate must score 67 points or higher. The pool of eligible candidates are then ranked. The highest-ranking individuals receive invitations to apply for permanent residence. This system, called Express Entry, relies on a comprehensive ranking system that involves a total of 1,000 factors. The minister of immigration issues the number of invitations to be extended every month.

Despite a sophisticated assessment system, research demonstrates that immigrants to Canada still face challenges in finding jobs and achieving economic mobility in the short and medium term. Gender, race and geographic position in the country and employment sector are all factors that affect economic integration of immigrants to Canada.

September 14, 2017

End of DACA is an Opportunity for Real Immigration Reform

By Kevin R. Johnson

[Cross-posted from the Daily Journal]

After months of speculation and rumor that has frightened immigrant communities across the United States, President Donald Trump has announced the end of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program. President Barack Obama created the program known as DACA to help protect undocumented immigrants brought to the United States as children from deportation. Since 2012 DACA has provided relief, and work authorization, to nearly 800,000 undocumented minors.

I laud the Obama administration for the courage and ingenuity to create DACA. Trump should not have ended the program that has benefited so many immigrants. But, there may be a silver lining in Trump's dismantling of DACA: He is delaying the end of the program for six months. This gives Congress time to pass a law that would provide enduring protections for the DREAMers, the term used to refer to undocumented college students who have become a potent political force. And it even could spur more far-reaching immigration reform.

The end of DACA has been met with expressions of nothing less than grief and a firestorm of bipartisan criticism. House Speaker Paul Ryan and Republican Sen. Orrin Hatch of Utah, for example, lobbied the president not to end the program. DACA seemed to have more supporters than ever. In the coming weeks, the nation is likely to see a great many protests and calls for political action.

It is worth remembering that Obama created DACA after Congress failed for years to enact comprehensive immigration reform. As he emphasized at the time, the deferred action program was a limited, and temporary, response to congressional gridlock on immigration. In my estimation, the creation of DACA was a constitutional and eminently sensible approach to a most sympathetic cohort of immigrants.

California has more DACA recipients than any other state - thousands of college students use the program that allows them to obtain authorization to work their way through school. In short, DACA students are seeking a better life than their parents.

In light of the fact that virtually all agree that the current immigration system is broken, Democratic and Republican political leaders should welcome the opportunity to reconsider immigration reform. Critics of DACA say it was flawed from the beginning because Obama created it through executive order. They instead argue that Congress is the appropriate branch of government to provide relief to undocumented immigrants. Whether one buys that argument or not, Congress now must act to protect DACA recipients and, in so doing, can once again tackle immigration reform.

In the end, DACA is just one piece of the larger immigration debate. The reform of our immigration laws is, needless to say, a complex problem. In 2013 a bipartisan group of senators passed carefully-crafted legislation aimed at reforming the legal immigration system, bolstering enforcement, and providing legal status to the 11 million undocumented immigrants in the United States. But the Republican-controlled House of Representatives never put the legislation to a vote.

The immigration reform proposal on the table today unfortunately would not solve any of these problems, but rather make them worse.  During the summer, Trump expressed support for a proposal called the Reforming American Immigration for Strong Employment (RAISE) Act, co-sponsored by Republican Senators Tom Cotton of Arkansas and David Purdue of Georgia. The Act would drastically reshape American immigration and likely increase pressures on undocumented immigration.

The RAISE Act would reduce legal immigration by 50 percent over the next decade. The government annually grants lawful permanent residence to approximately 1 million immigrants from countries including Mexico, China and India. About two-thirds of visas in the United States are allocated because applicants have family members already in the country. But this bill would eliminate all family sponsorship beyond spouses and minor children of U.S. citizens and legal permanent residents.

Besides dramatically reducing family-based immigration, the RAISE Act would replace the current selection scheme with a points system based on "merit." Applicants would earn points that favor high-paying job offers, advanced degrees and huge financial investments of more than $1 million in the United States. People who are closest to age 25 and have high English proficiency scores would also receive preference. The act would do nothing to help ensure the the lawful admission of workers in agriculture and the service industries, which today employs many undocumented workers.

The changes proposed under the RAISE Act would only exacerbate the current problem of undocumented immigration. The United States has roughly 11 million undocumented immigrants largely because of the unrealistic restrictions on legal immigration under current laws. California is home to nearly a quarter of the nation's undocumented immigrants.  

If Congress enacts a system like the RAISE Act, it will not address the high demand in the United States for low- and medium-skilled workers. Who will fill the jobs in agriculture, construction and service industries that undocumented immigrants overwhelmingly perform today?

By eliminating DACA Trump is giving Congress a historic opportunity for immigration reform. This is a chance for lawmakers to enact more profound immigration reform that is fair, enforceable, and lives up to the nation's ideals. Such reform is just what the nation needs in these troubled times.

September 12, 2017

Undocumented Immigrants Should Not Have to Risk Deportation for Talking to Police

By Kevin R. Johnson

[Cross-posted from the Sacramento Bee]

In 2015, the San Francisco Sheriff's Department released an undocumented immigrant as required by local ordinance. He later allegedly murdered Kate Steinle. This undeniable tragedy stirred a national controversy over "sanctuary laws."

But many state and local governments had similar laws and policies that require the release of noncitizens from custody in the absence of a federal warrant. The Los Angeles Police Department, among others, limits police inquiry into the immigration status of crime victims, witnesses and suspects, a policy that dates to the late police Chief Daryl Gates' tenure in 1979.

The basis for such policies stems from an important principle: effective law enforcement requires trust of all residents, including immigrants. To build that trust, local government cannot appear to be part of the federal immigration enforcement machine. For that fundamental reason, there traditionally has been a separation between local police and federal law enforcement.

Consistent with that long tradition, a proverbial flood of jurisdictions across the country responded to record numbers of removals by the Obama administration. The goal was to enact laws and policies to protect state and local government autonomy. In 2014, the California Legislature passed the TRUST Act, which said state and local law enforcement did not have to cooperate with the U.S. government for arrests of noncitizens who committed minor crimes.

Now the Legislature is considering the California Values Act, Senate Bill 54 by Senate President Pro Tem Kevin de León, D-Los Angeles. The bill is a response to President Donald Trump's repeated threats of mass deportations, made all the more real with the rescission last week of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program.

SB 54 would provide safeguards to ensure that immigrants can visit government offices, work with police, take their children to school and go to the doctor without fear of deportation. In line with policies already in place, it also would allow local and state jurisdictions to refuse to comply with federal immigration enforcement if an undocumented immigrant has not committed a major crime.

The act responds to a palpable fear among immigrants, who are anxious about any interactions with state and local government officials. Specifically, they believe that information provided to those local officials could end up in the hands of federal immigration enforcement authorities. And who could blame them?

In recent months, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials have gone to state and local courthouses to make targeted arrests of undocumented immigrants facing criminal charges, even traffic infractions. Immigration officials have gone so far as to arrest an undocumented immigrant after he dropped his child off at school.

The Trump administration no doubt will attack the California Values Act, as it has attacked "sanctuary cities" generally. In a January executive order, the administration threatened to eliminate all federal funding to so-called sanctuary cities. A federal court in San Francisco ruled that the defunding proposal was unconstitutional.

The U.S. Supreme Court has also weighed in by striking down state laws, such as Arizona's "Show Your Papers" law, SB 1070. That law mandated that state and local law enforcement officers participate in immigration enforcement. Although state and local officials cannot regulate immigration as Arizona tried to do, they can determine how to provide essential services to immigrants in their communities. That is precisely what the Values Act seeks to do.

California's Values Act is not an attempt to regulate immigration. Rather, it is an attempt to serve and protect all California residents, consistent with federal law. De León's bill is a legitimate effort by the state to determine how it interacts with, and protects, its citizens.

September 1, 2017

With pardon, Trump shows no commitment to U.S. civil rights laws

[Cross-posted from the Davis Enterprise]

By Kevin R. Johnson

Over the weekend, a bipartisan group of political leaders - including Arizona Sens. Jeff Flake and John McCain, as well as House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis. - condemned President Trump's pardon late last week of Maricopa County (Arizona) Sheriff Joe Arpaio.

For more than two decades, the controversial sheriff struck fear into the hearts of immigrants and U.S. citizens of Mexican ancestry in Arizona. A respected federal court judge appointed by President George W. Bush, Murray Snow, found that Arpaio, and his sheriff's office, aggressively - and lawlessly - used racial profiling to enforce immigration laws.

Defeated for re-election in 2016, the controversial sheriff had made a name for himself in unabashedly claiming that he wanted to aggressively enforce U.S. immigration laws. But publicity stunts showed cruelty and insensitivity toward inmates under his protection.

Arpaio, for example, made inmates wear pink underwear and suffer the heat outdoors in scorching Arizona summers. Undocumented immigrants were forced to live in a segregated "tent city" that Arpaio bragged was a "concentration camp."

The nation has faced similar civil rights issues raised by Arpaio's refusal to follow the rule of law. Southern segregationists in the 1950s and 1960s expressed views not that different from those expressed by contemporary alt-right activists and white supremacists. They, too, had to be schooled on the rule of law.

In one of the most famous examples, President Eisenhower in 1957 deployed federal troops to enforce the Supreme Court's decision outlawing segregated schools in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) so that African-American children, known as the Little Rock 9, could attend Little Rock Central High School in Arkansas.

Presidential pardons at times have been controversial. President Ford's pardon of President Nixon for his role in the Watergate cover-up is a leading modern example. However, an American president never has pardoned a person who repeatedly, willfully and intentionally refused to comply with court orders aimed at ending mass violations of the civil rights of racial minorities.

Arpaio was pardoned despite a judge's ruling that found him guilty of criminal contempt. A neutral federal judge, Susan Bolton, presided over the trial on criminal contempt and, after hearing testimony from Arpaio himself, found him guilty.

In addition to the civil rights violations, Arpaio undermined the fundamentals of the legal process. For a law enforcement officer to be found liable for criminal contempt is serious business. This explains why Attorney General Jeff Sessions reportedly told Trump that he could not drop the charges against Arpaio. And it explains why Republicans and Democrats alike are condemning the Arpaio pardon.

Trump has founded his presidency on enforcing the U.S. immigration laws. But his pardon of Arpaio is inconsistent with the rule of law. The president justified the pardon by saying that the sheriff "was just doing his job." However,"his job" as a law enforcement officer does not include breaking the law.

First, Arpaio was found to have engaged in a pattern and practice of racial discrimination in law enforcement against Latinos. Second, Arpaio was punished for intentionally violating court orders. Both offenses are antithetical to the rule of law. The efforts to nullify a court order vindicating the civil rights of vulnerable minorities are precisely the kinds of actions of the Southern segregationists of the 1950s and 1960s.

We are living in a time of deep political division and disturbing challenges to our Constitution. The nation has seen civil unrest unfold as violent clashes, including in California this past weekend, take place between white supremacists and counter-protesters. Trump and his followers have inflamed passions by claiming that immigration laws must be enforced with impunity.

In pardoning Arpaio, however, the president does not appear to be equally committed to enforcement of civil rights laws. He has demonstrated this through his pardon of Arpaio, as well as in his response to the troubling events in Charlottesville.

Trump seems to be siding with those opposed to federal civil rights law - and against the rule of law - by his continued attacks on the independence of the judiciary. That message is not what the nation needs at this time.

 

June 28, 2017

Media Advisory: UC Davis School of Law to present U.S. Supreme Court Year in Review (2016 term)

I am so pleased that the School of Law is presenting a panel discussion next week on the 2016 Supreme Court term. Special thanks to Marc Levinson '73 and the Sacramento office of law firm Orrick, Herrington & Sutcliffe LLP for hosting us.

Here is the media advisory that just went to the press this week. Note the line that reads, "UC Davis School of Law hopes to make this the first of an annual series of 'U.S. Supreme Court Year in Review' events"!

***

Distinguished Panel of UC Davis Experts to Lead Discussion on U.S. Supreme Court
Topics to include major decisions and the addition of Justice Gorsuch to the Court during the 2016 term.

What: "U.S. Supreme Court Year in Review" event, where leading experts on the U.S. Supreme Court will hold a lunchtime panel discussion on the 2016 term

Why: To inform the local legal community about the latest news from the high court, including detailed analysis of its most important decisions of the term on topics including immigration, criminal law, education, and more. Panelists will also discuss the impact of the new jurist on the bench, Justice Neil Gorsuch. UC Davis School of Law hopes to make this the first of an annual series of "U.S. Supreme Court Year in Review" events.

When: Friday, July 7, from 12:00 to 1:30 P.M.

Where: The law firm of Orrick, Herrington & Sutcliffe LLP, 400 Capitol Mall, Suite 3000, Sacramento

Who: A panel of UC Davis law faculty and an attorney from Orrick's San Francisco office.

  • Kevin R. Johnson, Dean at UC Davis School of Law
  • Carlton F.W. Larson, Professor at UC Davis School of Law
  • Aaron Tang, Professor at UC Davis School of Law and former clerk for U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor
  • Easha Anand, Associate at Orrick (San Francisco) and former clerk for U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor
  • Madhavi Sunder, Senior Associate Dean at UC Davis School of Law

One-on-one interviews with the panelists will be available after the event.

The audience includes members of Sacramento's legal community, who pre-registered to attend.

For more information, contact Karen L. Charney at klcharney@ucdavis.edu.

####

June 27, 2017

Supreme Court Ends 2016 Term, Agrees to Hear Travel Ban Cases, Vacates and Remands Cross-Border Shooting Case, Punts in Two Immigration Cases

[Cross-posted from Immigration Prof.]

The Supreme Court's 2016 Term has come to an end.  Today, the last day of the Term, the Court in the biggest news agreed to review the travel ban decisions in the 2017 Term. In a per curiam order, the Court stayed the injunction in part.  Justice Thomas, joined by Justices Alito and Gorsuch, concurred in part and dissented in part.   He would have stayed the injunctions in full.   

In Hernandez v. Mesa, which involved a cross border shooting by U.S. immigration enforcement officer of a young Mexican national, the Court in a per curiam pinionr vacated and remanded the case to the court of appeals to consider whether the family could sue for violation of the Fourth Amendment under the Supreme Court's 1971 Bivens decision.  The order, which is analyzed here, observed that the case involved "a heartbreaking loss of life."  Justice Gorsuch did not participate in the case.

The Court ordered reargument in two immigration cases.  

In Jennings v. Rodriguez  (reviewing the legality of detention of immigrants without a bond hearing) and Sessions v. Dimaya (reviewing a Ninth Circuit decision, written by Judge Stephen Reinhardt, striking down a criminal removal provision as unconstitutionally vague), the Court will hear rearguments next fall.   The Court likely was split 4-4 in these cases  Justice Gorsuch will break the tie.

The Court earlier this Term decided four decisions touching on immigration:

1.  Sessions v. Morales-Santana (invalidating gender distinctions favoring women over men based on antiquated on stereotypes in derivative citizenship laws).

2.  Esquivel-Quintana v. Sessions  (interpreting criminal removal provision).

3.  Maslenjak v.. United States  (denaturalization).

4.  Lee v. United States  (ineffective assistance of counsel claim based on erroneous advice on immigration consequences of guilty plea).

The Court agreed to review is seven immigration-related cases  in total in  the 2016 Term, which is a relatively large number. Two  (Maslenjak and Santana-Morales) touched on citizenship and denaturalization.  Five (Jennings, Dimaya, Esquivel-Quintana, Lee v. U.S.. Hernandez v. Mesa) involved immigration enforcement, which should not be surprising in light of the Obama administration's immigration enforcement push.  Increased immigration enforcement under President Trump will likely lead to a steady stream of immigration cases to the Supreme Court.

June 27, 2017

No decision in two immigration-enforcement cases

[Cross-posted from SCOTUSblog.]

President Donald Trump has made immigration enforcement a top priority. Two immigration-enforcement cases looked likely to have a big impact on the Trump administration’s plans. Both were argued before the confirmation of Justice Neil Gorsuch. Today, the Supreme Court, apparently deadlocked, ordered reargument of the cases.

One of the cases, Jennings v. Rodriguez, involved immigration detention. Detained immigrants ordinarily have been eligible to post bond and be allowed release from custody. In a January 25, 2017, executive order, among numerous immigration-enforcement initiatives, Trump announced an end to the “catch and release” of immigrants facing removal from the United States. Detention without bond thus became official immigration-enforcement policy.

Generally speaking, criminal and civil detention of U.S. citizens is subject to basic constitutional safeguards. Such a rights-based system, however, fits uncomfortably into the much more limited constitutional protections historically offered to noncitizens. Reflecting this tension, the Supreme Court’s immigration-detention decisions are not altogether consistent.

In a class-action challenge to immigrant detention, Jennings v. Rodriguez raised the question whether immigrants, like virtually any U.S. citizen placed in criminal or civil detention, must be guaranteed a bond hearing. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit affirmed a district court injunction requiring bond hearings every six months for immigrant detainees.

Indefinite detention without a hearing and possible release is difficult to justify as a matter of constitutional law. At the same time, however, some justices at oral argument expressed concern that the 9th Circuit had acted more like a legislature than a court in mandating a bond hearing every six months. In the end, the court apparently needed a tiebreaking vote and will address immigration detention next term.

Another case that the court did not decide involved criminal removal. In the last few years, the Supreme Court has decided a steady number of criminal-removal cases. In light of the Trump administration’s stated emphasis on the removal of “criminal aliens,” we will likely see more criminal removal cases in the future. Most of the removal cases that have recently come before the court, including Esquivel-Quintana v. Sessions decided earlier this term, have raised ordinary issues of statutory interpretation and administrative deference.

Sessions v. Dimaya instead was a constitutional challenge to a criminal-removal provision in the immigration laws, which historically have been largely immune from judicial review. The court appears to be moving toward applying ordinary constitutional norms to the immigration laws. Earlier this term, for example, the court in Sessions v. Santana-Morales held that gender distinctions favoring women over men in the derivative-citizenship provisions of the immigration laws violated the Constitution’s equal protection guarantee.

A noncitizen, including a lawful permanent resident, who is convicted of an “aggravated felony” is subject to mandatory removal. The Immigration and Nationality Act defines “aggravated felonies” expansively. That definition incorporates 18 U.S.C. §16(b), known as the “residual clause,” which defines a “crime of violence” to encompass “any … offense that is a felony and that, by its nature, involves a substantial risk that physical force against the person or property of another may be used in the course of committing the offense.”

James Garcia Dimaya, who immigrated lawfully from the Philippines in 1992, has two residential burglary convictions; neither involved violence. Based on the convictions, the immigration court and the Board of Immigration Appeals ordered Dimaya removed from the United States. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit found that Section 16(b) was unconstitutionally vague and vacated the order. To reach that conclusion, the 9th Circuit relied on the Supreme Court’s 2015 opinion in Johnson v. United States, in which court found the Armed Career Criminal Act’s similarly worded definition of “violent felony” was so vague as to violate due process.

The application of the void-for-vagueness doctrine to the immigration laws apparently divided the court. At oral argument, the justices seemed to agree that the court should review immigration-removal provisions under the standard due process test for vagueness. However, they appeared to be divided as to whether the case at hand was distinguishable from Johnson and thus whether Section 16(b) is unconstitutionally vague.

For the last decade, immigration cases have been a bread-and-butter part of the Supreme Court’s docket. The Supreme Court has slowly but surely moved immigration law toward the constitutional mainstream. We will have to wait until the next term to see if the court continues that trend with respect to immigrant detention and criminal removal.

June 23, 2017

Ninth Circuit: Employer's Counsel May be Subject to FLSA Liability for Calling ICE on Plaintiff

[Cross-posted from Immigration Prof.]

Here is an update on an imporstant Ninth Circuit decision from Ninth Circuit watcher Cappy White:

Yesterday, the Ninth Circuit in Arias v. Raimundo, No 15-16120, in a case interpreting the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA), held that an employer’s attorney could be liable under FLSA’s anti-retaliation provision when that attorney allegedly retaliated against an undocumented employee by arranging to have the employee apprehended by Immigration and Customs Enforcement at a scheduled deposition.  Judge Stephen Trott wrote the opinion for the court; Judges Kim McLane Wardlaw and Ronald Gould were also on the panel. 
The employee alleged in his complaint that he settled his case “due in substantial part to the threat of deportation created by Defendant’s communications with ICE,” and that the attorney had contacted ICE regarding other employees who have asserted their rights against employers he represented on at least five other occasions.
 
Relying in large part on Burlington Northern & Santa Fe Railway Co. v. White, 548 U.S. 53 (2006), a Title VII case, the court distinguished the substantive provisions of employment laws with their anti-retaliation provisions, noting that the “economic control” test for determining whether a defendant is an “employer” is not relevant in determining who can be liable for retaliation.
 
Plaintiff is represented by attorneys from the Legal Aid at Work (formerly the Legal Aid Society -Employment Law Center) in San Francisco and California Rural Legal Assistance, Inc.
 
June 12, 2017

Ninth Circuit Joins the Fourth Circuit in Rejecting Trump's Revised Travel Ban

[Cross-posted from Immigration Prof.]

By Kevin R. Johnson

It is a big immigration news day!

Agreeing with the Fourth Circuit, the Ninth Circuit today in a per curiam opinion (Michael Daly Hawkins, Ronald M. Gould, and Richard A. Paez) joined the Fourth Circuit and delivered the Trump administration's revised travel ban another setback.  Here is the introduction (and conclusion):

We are asked to delineate the statutory and constitutional limits to the President’s power to control immigration in t his appeal o f the district court’s order preliminarily enjoining two sections of Executive Order 13780 (“EO2” or “the Order”) , “Protecting the Nation From Foreign Terrorist Entry Into the United States. ” The Immigration and Nationality Act (“INA”) gives the President broad powers to control the entry of aliens , and to take actions to protect the American public. But immigration, even for the President, is not a one - person show. The President’s authority is subject to certain statutory and constitutional restraints. We conclude that the President, in issuing the Executive Order, exceeded the scope of the authority delegated to him by Congress. In suspending the entry of more than 180 million nationals from six countries, suspending the entry of all refugees, and reducing the cap on the admission of refugees from 110,000 to 50,000 for the 2017 fiscal year, the President did not meet the essential precondition to exercising his delegated authority: The President must make a sufficient finding that the entry of these classes of people would be “detrimental to the interests of the United States. ” Further, the Order runs afoul of other provisions of the INA that prohibit nationality-based discrimination and require the President to follow a specific process when setting the annual cap on the admission of refugees. On these statutory bases, we affirm in large part the district court’s order preliminarily enjoining Sections 2 and 6 of the Executive Order.

The court rested its conclusion on statutory grounds -- that the requirements of Immigration and Nationality Act § 212(f), 8 U.S.C. § 1182(f) had not been satisfied -- and did not reach the Establishment Clause holding of the district court.  At the outset, it found that standing was established and that the case was "ripe" for review. 

The court emphatically rejected the notion that the travel ban was not subject to judicial review:  "Whatever deference we accord to the President's immigration and national security judgments does not preclude us from reviewing the policy at all. [citations omitted] . . . . We do not abdicated the judicial role, and we affirm our obligation `to say what the law is' in this case.  Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137, 177 (1803)." (Slip opinion, p. 32).  The court stated that "[i]n conclusion, the Order does not offer a sufficient justification to suspend the entry of more than 180 million people on the basis of nationality."  Slip op., p. 43.

The court summarizes its order in this concluding paragraph:

We affirm in part and vacate in part the district court’s preliminary injunction order. As to the remaining Defendants, we affirm the injunction as to Section 2(c), suspending entry of nationals from the six designated countries for 90 days; Section 6(a), suspending [the U.S. Refugee Program] for 120 days; and Section 6(b), capping the entry of refugees to 50,000 in the fiscal year 2017. We vacate the portions of the injunction that prevent the Government from conducting internal reviews, as otherwise directed in Sections 2 and 6, and the injunction to the extent that it runs against the President. We remand the case to the district court with instructions to re-issue a preliminary injunction consistent with this opinion. (footnote omitted).