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April 11, 2023

Gender and the Social Structure of Exclusion in U.S. Corporate Law

[Cross-post from Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance]

By Afra Afsharipour and Matthew Jennejohn

Law develops through collective effort. A single judge may write a judicial opinion, but only after an (often large) group of lawyers choose litigation strategies, craft arguments, and present their positions. Despite their important role in the legal process, these networks of lawyers are almost uniformly overlooked in legal scholarship—a black box in a discipline otherwise obsessed with institutional detail.

Prior qualitative research suggests that networks are an important source of information, mentoring, and opportunity, and that those professional resources are often withheld from lawyers who do not mirror the characteristics of the typically male, wealthy, straight, and white incumbents in the field. We have a common nickname for the networks that result, which are ostensibly open but often closed in practice: “Old boys’ networks.”

Our article, Gender and the Social Structure of Exclusion in U.S. Corporate Law, is the first academic study that quantitatively analyzes gender representation within a comprehensive network of judges and litigators over a significant period of time. Our study is based on hand-collected data from cases before the Delaware Court of Chancery, the trial court that adjudicates the most—and the most important—corporate law disputes in the United States. We collected seventeen years of docket entries across more than 15,000 matters and 2,700 attorneys as the basis for a massive network. We analyze gender representation among the lawyers involved in Chancery litigation—the “Chancery Litigation Network”—in two ways: (1) straightforward headcounts; and (2) by thinking of the attorneys as actors within a network, which allows us to measure their professional relationships in the field. This network-based approach illuminates men and women’s access to the professional resources that qualitative studies have found to be so important to advancement in the profession.

Analyzing the Chancery Litigation Network produces several important findings, which we summarize below.

A Dramatic and Persistent Gender Gap

First, we find a dramatic and persistent gap between women and men in the network. Men outnumber women in our sample, despite women being almost half of all law students during each of the 17 years of our study. As we show in the figures in this Bloomberg Perspective, women comprised only 23.6% of all attorneys in 2004, the first year for which we collected data. By 2020, that percentage had only increased to 32.9%.

Transforming the docket data into a professional network, we find that men disproportionately occupy the most central positions within the network of Chancery lawyers. Many more men than women are among the most connected—or “central”—attorneys in the Chancery Litigation Network. Furthermore, when we identify the top 50 most-connected lawyers in the network in 2004 and 2020, we find that in 2004, only five of the 50 most central attorneys were women and that by 2020 that number had increased only to 14. Notably, a significant part of that growth comes from the increasing number of women judges on the Delaware Chancery Court over the time period studied.

The Gender Gap Differs by Law Firm

Second, we find that law firm membership and geographical location interacts with gender—women’s positions within the network differs by membership in certain firms or residence in particular geographies. This evidence raises the possibility that some firms or regions may have policies or cultures more conducive to gender equality than others.

To illustrate, we focus here on a sub-sample of major Delaware and non-Delaware firms, measured by the number of matters in which they are involved in the most recent year of the dataset. For both Delaware and non-Delaware firms, it is very rare to find a law firm where women outnumber men in their involvement in Chancery litigations. Rather, we continually observe men outnumbering women from firm to firm. However, some law firms have a gender gap that is smaller than others.

All of the three major Delaware defense-side firms—Morris Nichols Arsht & Tunnel LLP, Richards Layton & Finger LLP, and Potter Anderson Corroon LLP—have a gender gap. The gender gap closed modestly over the time period studied, but the percentage of women participating in Chancery litigation remained below the overall average for all firms in our dataset. In 2004, the average percentage of women participating from the three major Delaware firms was 12.6%, while the percentage of women across the entire dataset for that year was 23.6%. In 2020, the average percentage of women at those three firms increased to 22.1%, which is still well below the overall average of 32.9%.

We observe similar patterns at the major non-Delaware defense-side law firms that are involved in Chancery litigation. All ten firms have a gender gap, where men outnumber women. However, compared to the three major Delaware firms analyzed above, these non-Delaware firms tend to have greater percentages of women on their litigation teams. Overall, the average percentage of women across these ten firms was 32.8%, which was greater than the average for the three Delaware firms reported above and nearly the same as the average among all firms in the dataset.

We then analyze how attorneys’ network centrality—the number of connections attorneys in the network of Chancery litigators have—differs across the major firms. Like the participation statistics above, we find that the distribution of network links among men and women differ between firms. Interestingly, however, the patterns here do not necessarily track the law firm patterns observed above. In that respect, the network analysis reveals things that are otherwise obscured by straightforward headcount statistics.

We focus here on the distribution of network links in 2020 among men and women for the major Delaware firms, Morris Nichols, Potter Anderson, and Richards Layton. Those firms’ distributions of network links among their attorneys are not equal. Richards Layton, for instance, exhibits a particularly stark difference between women and men, with the most connected men at that firm having more than 2x the number of connections in the network than women. (Note, however, that in 2020 Richards Layton had the highest percentage of women participating in Chancery litigation (28.85%) compared to the other major Delaware firms.) We see a similarly interesting relationship at Potter Anderson, though the interplay is in the opposite direction. In 2020, Potter Anderson had the lowest percentage of women participating in Chancery litigation—less than 10% of its total attorneys in this market. However, the centrality of Potter Anderson’s women and men is most evenly balanced.

The Gender Gap Differs by Geography

Third, examining geographic trends reveals similar patterns. There is a gender gap in all the major geographic locations we study—men outnumber women in California, Delaware, New York, and all other jurisdictions in our dataset. That gender gap also recedes modestly over time. In jurisdictions such as California and New York, the share of attorneys who are women increased from 2004 to 2020. Interestingly, our data captures the relative decline of Delaware lawyers in the share of attorneys involved in Chancery matters—the percentage of both women and men based in Delaware actually falls from 2004 to 2020, though the decline is slower among women than men.

Analyzing Individual Litigators Reveals Personal Networks Dominated by Men

Finally, as we drill down into the networks of individual women, we find that men regularly dominate the networks of female Chancery litigators—even the most highly connected women in the network. It is not unusual, particularly during their early careers, for women to work only with men. Relatedly, the men in the personal network of a woman typically enjoy thicker connections to one another, forming a dense gendered sub-network to which women are only loosely connected. Furthermore, we find that the networks of individual attorneys change significantly from year to year. When a woman attorney works with women in one year, those women rarely repeat in her personal network the following year. Relatedly, while men also experience significant turnover in their personal networks from year to year, one thing is always constant for them: Men consistently encounter a large number of other men from matter to matter. That familiarity gives men a potentially valuable social anchor in a volatile professional environment, a benefit unavailable to women litigating in Chancery.

Looking Ahead

Our findings set the stage for subsequent research to test the connection between gender representation in litigation networks and discrete outcomes, such as the incidence of bias in judicial opinions. It also demonstrates how subsequent research can incorporate network structure into quantitative and qualitative studies of not only gender bias but also other forms of inequality in law. With respect to policy, it provides the necessary first step to crafting normative interventions that improve equitable access to professional resources by making networks more empirically concrete. The persistence of the gender gap highlights the inadequacies of some existing policies to reduce gender inequality, while it also suggests what might be more effective going forward. With that added clarity, the network approach allows us to calibrate remedial options available to bar associations, law firms, and individual attorneys, leaving no level of the institutional setting untouched.

March 6, 2023

Investment Bankers and Inclusive Corporate Leadership

[Cross-post from The FinReg Blog]

By Afra Afsharipour

Few major deals happen without the engagement and advice of investment bankers. Whether a company is undertaking an initial public offering (IPO) or engaging in a large merger or acquisition deal, investment bankers play a critical role in advising corporate executives. Bankers routinely cultivate and build close advisory relationships with executives in the hopes that such relationships lead to lucrative advisory and service roles connected with corporate dealmaking. 

Building relationships is critical for success as an investment banker. But investment bankers’ constant endeavors to nurture relationships with executives, while also maximizing their ability to enhance fees, commonly leads to allegations of banker “double-dealing,” “self-dealing, blatant conflict of interests and other chicanery.” 

Beyond such conflicts, however, investment banking faces two additional issues as society grapples with rising expectations around diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI). First, as examined in my forthcoming article, investment banking has a deeply rooted gender gap. While corporations face significant pressure to increase diversity in both boardrooms and C-suites, investment banking has faced much less pressure to do so. Even though women only accounted for 17% of senior leaders in investment banking in 2018, these low numbers may overstate women’s leadership at the top tiers of investment banking. The hand-collected data presented in the article reveals a grim reality, including at the most prominent boutique investment banks advising corporate executives. Second, as my article also explores, the culture and accepted practices of investment banking reinforce masculine norms and biases against women in banking. 

The article argues that not only do these issues hinder gender equity in investment banking as a profession, but they also influence the relationship between bankers and corporate executives. Bankers often serve as one of the most crucial advisors to executives, and the norms and divides of investment banking calibrate corporate cultures and values in the C-suite—enabling the continued gender gap in corporate America. The article’s case study of the WeWork saga is an emblematic example of the relationship between investment bankers and corporate executives; namely, that bankers’ self-interested behavior advances toxic masculinity in the C-Suite and relates to the gender gap both among bankers and at the top rung of the C-Suite. 

Investment Banking’s Gender Gap 

Over the past decade, corporations have been under increasing pressure from various stakeholders to diversify their boards of directors and managers. However, gender disparities remain widespread in the leadership of the most prominent investment banks that advise corporate boards and executives on key transactions. 

Compared to other advisors, there are few systematic industry, firm, or deal-specific disclosures about diversity in leadership in investment banking. The limited information available regarding firm diversity reflects a long-standing gender gap in the banking and finance industry. While there are signs of change in leadership at the largest financial services firms, this growth “is partly due to the rise of nontraditional C-titled roles, such as chief diversity and inclusion officer.” These non-traditional positions rarely represent the most powerful and highly compensated positions at firms. 

The prospects for women’s continued progress in the financial service industry remain unclear. Despite some progress at the largest firms, the industry “still struggles to retain and promote its talented female professionals.” Moreover, women leaders report greater burnout as they undertake additional, typically devalued and unrewarded, responsibilities. 

The Gender Gap at Elite Boutique Banks 

In addition to the involvement of the largest investment banks, elite boutique investment banks— regularly lauded for their ability to provide less conflicted and more independent advice—have recently gained a higher share of advisory fees in transactional advisory work. News stories documenting the rise of elite boutique investment banks focus on the star bankers—almost exclusively men—at the center of the boutiques without examining how these boutique firms perpetuate investment banking’s significant gender gap. 

To examine the leadership gap at elite boutique investment banks, the article presents hand-collected data on the makeup of senior investment bankers at ten leading boutique investment banks based in the United States. The findings show that the percentage of women in senior financial advisor positions remains very low. Cumulatively, seventy-one women represented 10.6% of this survey’s total 666 senior financial advisor positions. This finding likely overstates the representation of women as senior investment bankers since three of the surveyed firms (Guggenheim Partners, Houlihan Lokey, and Lazard Financial Advisory) had limited information regarding their partners or other senior investment bankers, and instead only identified their officers and directors, or executive leadership team.

The Intersection of Investment Banking Culture and the Gender Gap 

The gap in women’s leadership in the financial services industry reflects the deeply entrenched culture of investment banking. Portrayals of the industry paint it as a “testosterone-fueled,” competitive environment where the performance of masculinities is the norm, and “homosociality” is prevalent. Successful women bankers are treated more poorly than men, regardless of whether they go along with banking culture. For example, Sallie Krawcheck, once referred to as “the most powerful woman on wall street,” described her experience working at a leading investment bank as a “boys club” where her male coworkers “contributed to a culture of toxic masculinity by communicating that she wasn’t wanted there.” Bias against women and the “cut-throat” competitive atmosphere of banking are significant contributing factors to the gender gap in banking, exacerbated by the bonus-driven compensation regime of the industry as well as sexual discrimination and harassment in the workplace. 

The norms and practices of investment banking often inhibit women’s promotion and advancement. Women in finance report that “mediocre” men are more easily promoted than women with comparable or superior capabilities due to various factors. Furthermore, women who use parental leave or work-family policies risk severe negative career consequences. Many studies confirm research findings suggesting that tournament-like cultures prevalent in investment banking acutely disadvantage women. 

Implications of Investment Banking’s Gender Gap and Culture for Inclusive Corporate Leadership 

While serious and pervasive, the impacts of the hyper-masculine investment banking culture on women investment bankers are far from the only issue facing the industry. 

The Advisory Role of Investment Bankers & Conflicts of Interest 

The culture of investment banking also affects the services and practices of bankers with respect to clients. In many transactions involving public companies, investment bankers assist the company through a myriad of roles, locating potential mergers,  or sales counterparties, providing fairness opinion letters setting forth their judgments of “fair” deals, or assisting in negotiations to help close the deal. 

Despite their prevalence in the corporate transactional landscape, investment banker conflicts are widespread. Compensation-contingent, tainted banker advice and banker competitiveness—including investment banking rankings on league tables—may negatively affect the quality of banker services to clients. Bankers can push corporate leaders to undertake decisions for their own financial incentives. In addition, especially in deals where management stands to receive personal gain, the close relationships between company management and financial advisors can influence advisors’ recommendations to curry favor with management. 

The pervasiveness of conflicts of interest in investment banking, undeterred by even the harsh criticisms of the courts, is connected with the masculine ethos of the industry. Masculinity norms influence hyper-competitive workplaces such as investment banks, impacting the power structure and hierarchies at these firms and undermining the success of women. These norms feed into a culture of conflicts at investment banks, leaving women to face a “triple bind.” That is, women “lose if they do not play by the same terms as the men,” but also face disproportionate punishment if they engage in the same conflicted behavior as men, and “over time become less likely to apply for such positions and thus more likely, individually and as a group, to be perceived as lacking what it takes to succeed in such environments. 

Investment Banking’s Effects on the C-Suite 

A less-explored aspect of the relationship between bankers and corporate executives is that the self-interested behavior of bankers may also advance toxic masculinity in the C-Suite and undermine inclusive corporate leadership. The WeWork saga is emblematic. Not only did WeWork’s CEO, Adam Neumann, engage in unethical business conduct, but there were numerous reports—and eventually lawsuits—alleging sexism and discrimination by WeWork’s senior management. The company’s “making-the-world-a-better-place rhetoric” masked a culture where women and people of color were marginalized, harassed, and demeaned. 

Investment bankers—chasing large fees and continued business with the overvalued unicorn—enabled and funded Neumann’s reckless conduct and mismanagement of the company. Banking giant JPMorgan Chase was one of Neumann’s most ardent enablers, “supercharg[ing] WeWork’s visions of grandeur,” along with other banks, including Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley who served up even more astronomical valuations. Instead of curbing Neumann’s excesses and hubris, competition among bankers to win the lead role for WeWork’s high-profile IPO resulted in senior bankers emboldening Neumann. 

WeWork’s executive team was dominated by a mentality that exacerbated masculinity contests. Neumann encouraged bravado, and male executives competed to impress him. With a nearly all-male executive team, male-bonding activities such as surfing and sitting in a sauna with him left little room for women to ascertain valuable less-formal time with Neumann outside the office. Women employees, including the few women executives at WeWork, were marginalized, and those who complained were pushed out. In fact, throughout 2018—months before the company began to embark on its failed IPO process—several lawsuits by WeWork women executives shed light on the company’s “frat-boy” culture. Neumann also faced claims of gender discrimination, including one from Medina Bardhi, his previous chief of staff. Bardhi filed a complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, alleging that she experienced pregnancy and gender discrimination at WeWork. 

There is little indication that bankers—likely aware of the suits alleging gender discrimination at the highest levels of the company—expressed any concern about WeWork and Neumann’s treatment of women. And when Neumann’s bankers did begin to express concerns with Neumann’s excessive partying at work, they expressed no concern about the company’s gender discrimination or how Neumann perpetuated a toxic environment for women at WeWork. So long as the prospects of large fees seemed imminent, Neumann’s investment bankers tolerated his well-documented “party boy” persona. 

WeWork’s investment bankers were not functioning in a manner atypical to others in the industry. Bankers had similarly indulged other founder CEOs known for creating workplaces rife with discrimination and sexual harassment.  

Conclusion 

Investment banking faces two key issues that are only recently becoming more widely recognized as society is shifting to become more conscious of the importance of DEI. The first issue is a widely acknowledged and deeply rooted gender divide. An examination of leadership at investment banks, including at the most prominent boutique investment banks, indicates that women’s success in banking remains elusive. As the hand-collected data presented in this article shows, investment banking’s gender gap is larger than what is suggested by the industry’s public pronouncements about the value of DEI. The second issue is a culture and set of practices that reinforce masculine norms and perpetuate biases against women in banking. Investment banking is an industry rife with environments hostile to women, and the industry has been slow to recognize and ameliorate a culture of toxic masculinity. 

These two issues have led to a lack of diversity in investment banking leadership, but they also have serious implications for the companies that rely on investment bankers as advisors in navigating important strategic decisions. Accustomed to a culture that tolerates—and even promotes—toxic masculinity, bankers may ignore and enable corporate leaders that are similarly hostile to women. 

Disclosure and transparency are critical to understanding gender disparities in investment banking and associated barriers and incentives. For example, without accurate diversity data, stakeholders have limited opportunity to pressure investment banks to invest in fostering diversity among their leaders, and firms have fewer incentives to prioritize inclusion. Consistent discussions about the inequities women face in investment banking and how they affect the services investment bankers provide to their clients must continue to occur for meaningful change to be enacted. Moreover, without client focus on the industry’s culture, practices, and makeup, investment banks face little pressure to increase the diversity of their leadership. As companies face greater pressures to address diversity in their leadership, they should think hard about who is advising those leaders.

August 23, 2021

Comparative Corporate Governance

[Cross-posted from the Columbia Law School Blue Sky Blog]

By Afra Afsharipour and Martin Gelter

With the increasing internationalization of law and legal scholarship, comparative corporate governance has seen a burgeoning volume of research from a practical, theoretical, and empirical perspective. Practically speaking, both internationally and within individual countries, most corporate governance research deals with the interaction between board members, officers, and shareholders, primarily in large, publicly traded corporations. Much of the literature is preoccupied with reducing conflicts of interest between shareholders and management and consequently minimizing agency cost, vindicating the narrow finance perspective. Given the predominance of controlling shareholders around the globe, the literature increasingly focuses on conflicts between controlling and minority shareholders. In a comparative or international context, research also often considers all groups whose interests are affected by corporate activities and who have some degree of influence on corporations, such as creditors and employees.

In an introductory chapter to Comparative Corporate Governance, we frame the book within a broad perspective on corporate governance and cover legal duties and their enforcement, as well as the balance of powers generated by the institutional setup. Nevertheless, the interests of other “stakeholders” are very much present.

Fundamental Issues in Comparative Corporate Governance

We begin with an overview of the intellectual history of comparative corporate law and governance. During the past three decades, the volume of comparative law scholarship has grown, and the methods have shifted from the traditional functionalism represented by venerable treatises toward greater methodological variation. Maribel Sáez and María Gutiérrez put the different currents in the literature into a historical perspective. They suggest that this field has been rebranded repeatedly, moving from “comparative corporate law” through “comparative corporate governance” to “law and finance” and finally to the “theory and empirics of comparative corporate law.” Corporate law scholarship started with the doctrinal “Continental European” approach to law, but subsequently developed into a truly international field, often adopting English as its lingua franca. Comparative corporate governance then infused economic thinking into the field. Lastly, “law and finance” added a causal and empirical perspective.

In corporate law, an economic perspective dominates, and the field was further invigorated by a law and finance perspective. Not surprisingly, comparative scholarship often takes an economic view and emphasizes the incentives set by law and the interest groups whose economic interests have shaped the law across jurisdictions. Accordingly, contributions in the book address the difficult question of methodology. Vikramaditya Khanna’s chapter surveys the law and finance literature and its implications for economic development. He tackles the question of causation – does strong investor protection facilitate economic growth and developed capital markets, or do interest groups with a stake in the market lobby for strong corporate law? He suggests that “there is good evidence for a growth to law causation story and some evidence for a law to growth causation story.”

Christopher Bruner’s chapter tackles the difficult question of comparative methodology. He contrasts functionalism with contextualism, which emphasizes jurisdictional differences. Contextualists often assume a high degree of difference that cannot be eliminated because of the difficulties involved in legal transplantation. However, contextualism often fails to provide a theory for differences. Choice of method is thus typically a function of the intended audience, placing a premium on methodological self-awareness and careful calibration of one’s claims.

Other chapters give specific examples for the core debates. An example is the widely discussed, but controversial topic of convergence in corporate governance. Martin Gelter’s chapter looks at the role of interest groups, specifically the accounting industry, and suggests that it has promoted or inhibited convergence depending on the national context and its respective local incentives. Li-Wen Lin’s chapter examines the convergence debate through the lens of the legal regime on executive compensation in six jurisdictions, including the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Japan, India, and China. The chapter shows that, not only have the legal rules restricting the board’s power over executive pay begun to diverge in Western countries, but also directors’ power over executive pay has varied widely when one assesses the legal regime in leading Asian jurisdictions.

Corporate Purpose and Sustainability

In recent years, the debate about the proper role of the corporation in law and society has often been described as the “corporate purpose” or as the “shareholder-stakeholder” debate, but its ancient roots go back over a century. Writing in 1917, German industrialist and politician Walther Rathenau expressed deep concern about the role of short-term shareholders who expected firms to produce returns at the expense of long-term development and the public interest. The Berle-Dodd debate of 1931 in the U.S. prefigured many of the arguments of subsequent decades, serving as a template for recurring corporate purpose debates to this day. The “corporate purpose” debate has again gained traction in recent years. Two chapters tackle the debate about corporate purpose from very different perspectives.

Barnali Choudhury and Martin Petrin  survey discussions on both corporate purpose and short-termism. While directors have the freedom to consider interests besides those of shareholders, as a matter of practice, most firms continue to focus on a narrow corporate purpose. They argue that this narrow vision is conducive to short-termist corporate activities and suggest several possible reforms to allow U.S. and UK firms to advance from a shareholder ideology to a broader perspective. Cynthia Williams’ chapter reviews developments relating to CSR and ESG. Williams argues that institutional investors are emphasizing ESG partly because of younger investors’ increasing interest in topics such as climate change and economic inequality, and also because the connection between companies’ better management of ESG issues and better financial performance is becoming well-established. Internationally, there is the possibility that countries with less developed social welfare systems may require a greater degree of voluntary CSR to maintain the legitimacy of the corporate governance system. Ownership structures and the predominant types of investors appear to have an impact on sustainability outcomes as well.

The Board of Directors and Its Duties

The book then turns to substantive topics in corporate governance, starting with the central players in internal corporate governance in most jurisdictions: the board of directors. National legislation provides important differences in the structure of the board, with the U.S. one-tier model and the German two-tier structure often seen as exemplars. Jean du Plessis’s chapter provides a broad survey of different types of board structures used around the world. The chapter then explores the nuances of board composition rules in various jurisdictions, including the UK, Germany, the Netherlands, China, and Japan. Despite practical differences, for publicly traded corporations in most jurisdictions, the ultimate management power is embedded in the board of directors, increasingly dominated by independent directors. Furthermore, the board of the modern public company typically is vested with a monitoring or oversight role. Klaus Hopt and Patrick Leyens argue that rather than settling on a particular board model, the law should allow corporations flexibility in the choice of a board model. They stress that focusing on the specific governance strategies available in a variety of situations, such as takeovers or related party transactions, demonstrates that boards can address the types of agency problems that arise in corporate governance in similar ways, regardless of the choice of board model. The board as an institution may also be used to hold the corporation accountable to non-shareholders, particularly employee stakeholders. It is only with employee-codetermination as a governance strategy that one needs a two-tier board model. Darren Rosenblum’s chapter tackles the issue of representation on the board, focusing on gender diversity. The chapter addresses the types of intervention models used in different jurisdictions, from the hard statutory mandates of Norway to the soft quotas and disclosure mandates in some common law jurisdictions, including the UK and Canada. Policy interventions face several challenges as diversity continues to play a prominent role in corporate governance debates.

Several chapters in the book address issues that go to the heart of board responsibilities. Marco Corradi and Geneviève Helleringer examine the duty of loyalty from a comparative perspective, including both self-dealing transactions under both common law (namely the U.S. and UK) and civil law regimes (focusing on continental Europe), as well as corporate opportunity rules. They note the tensions between the evolution of the law governing self-dealing transactions at the European level as well as the generally less advanced development of corporate opportunity rules in civil law jurisdictions.

Carsten Gerner-Beuerle examines the diffusion and convergence of the duty of care and the business judgment rule. After demonstrating how both are similarly formulated across common law and European civil law countries, the chapter compares the application of the Delaware business judgment rule with its German counterpart to show that even similarly formulated rules differ in actual operation because of underlying local norms and narratives. Virginia Harper Ho’s chapter analyzes risk oversight and risk management as core elements of the board’s monitoring role. Across jurisdictions, fiduciary duties are used to hold boards accountable for carrying out their monitoring role. Increasingly complex risk management and oversight responsibilities are now derived from and affected by multiple sources, including other regulatory regimes, market actors, and institutions, that have expanded risk regulation.

In addition, the book covers directors’ duties in times of change, specifically in the context of mergers and acquisitions (M&A). Afra Afsharipour argues that, with respect to friendly takeovers, the U.S. and UK approach corporate governance concerns and the balance of power between the board of directors and shareholders in increasingly divergent ways. The UK restrains director power in friendly M&A deals, including recent rules that constrain the power of directors to negotiate deal protection mechanisms. Delaware law provides wide latitude to directors to negotiate and design M&A deals and, due to recent changes to Delaware jurisprudence, provides little opportunity for shareholders to check management conflicts through litigation. According to Andrew Tuch’s chapter, management buyouts (MBOs) raise the quintessential type of conflicts in M&A transactions because they involve the board or officers of the target firm acting as owners of the buyer. While the UK’s no-conflict rule is often viewed as more severe than the U.S. fairness rule in regulating MBOs, in practice the rules operate in ways more similar than they seem at first glance. The chapter thus asserts that both the US and UK may not effectively prevent fiduciary misconduct early in the MBO deal process.

The Increasingly Complex Taxonomy of Shareholders

Much of corporate governance concerns itself with balancing conflicts and power between shareholders and managers, as well as among between controlling and non-controlling shareholders. Shareholders are not a monolithic group, ranging from the state, hedge funds, and institutional investors to family groups and individuals. Turning to the dramatic increase in institutional investors around the globe, Assaf Hamdani and Sharon Hannes analyze the governance implications of this rise against the background of the growing influence of activist hedge funds. In widely held companies, institutional investors can determine the outcome of shareholder votes, including director elections. Nevertheless, country-specific regulations, political sentiments and social norms affect the extent to which institutional investors will actually wield their power. By contrast, in jurisdictions with predominantly controlled companies, institutional investors’ ability to influence governance remains limited, but institutional investors are gaining power in countries, such as Israel, that are experiencing a shift from concentrated to dispersed ownership.

Minority shareholders are not homogeneous, both within and across jurisdictions, in their makeup, goals, and actions. Umakanth Varottil argues that the expanding schism among heterogenous types of minority shareholders creates agency problems, allowing one type of minority shareholder to affect the interests of others. The chapter analyzes the goals and actions of two types of institutional investors – activist hedge funds and passive funds – to show the potential conflicts among these shareholders. Legal tools, such as fiduciary duties and stewardship responsibilities, can address such conflicts.

The past two decades have experienced significant changes in capital market structures around the world, resulting in a reassessment of shareholder power and participation in corporate governance, and debates about the degree to which the law can and should provide shareholders with a voice and facilitate greater shareholder protection. Sofie Cools analyzes the transformation of shareholder power by comparing the use of shareholder proposals by shareholders of U.S. public companies with the relative lack of such proposals in Europe. Focusing on Delaware, France, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands, she argues that private ordering through shareholder proposals in U.S. companies is closing the gap in substantive shareholder power that has existed between the U.S. and Europe. The chapter also casts doubt on empirical comparisons of the frequency of shareholder proposals in the U.S. and Europe by highlighting how differences in ownership structures and the goals of shareholder proposals in the U.S. complicate such comparisons.

Gaia Balp and Marco Ventoruzzo focus on the rules governing the duties of controlling shareholders to minority shareholders in the U.S., Germany, and Italy. Despite differences in laws and enforcement mechanisms, the principles are functionally quite similar. Duties applying in situations such as related party transactions, sale of a control stakes, and access to privileged information are in the end similar because loyalty underpins the standards and rules for controllers’ conduct. Sang Yop Kang contrasts controlling shareholder power in corporate groups with single corporations operating various business lines. Differences arise in risk-sharing (cash-flow stabilization), control/voting leverage, and tunneling. Controllers may be more inclined to establish corporate groups than single corporations with different business lines (although controllers’ preference for the corporate-group form is not always absolute).

Enforcement of Corporate Law

Directors’ and shareholders’ duties would be irrelevant in practice if they were not enforceable. Not surprisingly, there are big international differences in this regard. The U.S. is often thought to be the country where corporate and securities laws are most vigorously enforced. This is in part due to an entrepreneurial plaintiffs’ bar, whose existence is owed largely to the American rule in civil procedure (where each party pays its own cost) and the possibility of contingency fees, which induce plaintiffs’ attorneys to bring class actions as well as derivative suits. Alan Koh and Samantha Tang’s chapter explores private litigation in corporate law. It provides a detailed taxonomy of the various types of lawsuits and their functions in the Anglo-Commonwealth jurisdictions (UK, Australia, Singapore, Hong Kong, New Zealand), the U.S., Germany, and Japan. The chapter considers key factors furthering and limiting such suits, including cost structure, length of the litigation, and possible outcomes. Besides derivative litigation, which involves remedies from which the company itself benefits, the chapter looks closely at direct suits, which have received less attention in the literature. The taxonomy encompasses monetary and non-monetary remedies and looks at oppression and withdrawal, appraisal rights, and injunctions, as well as litigation challenging the validity of shareholder decisions. Besides the U.S., there are jurisdictions where litigation has become common, such as in Japan in the area of derivative litigation, as well as in Canada, Australia ,and Israel in securities law. In all cases, cost rules have become favorable to lawsuits.

The other aspect of enforcement is the public side, i.e., enforcement by securities regulators, which relies largely on financial endowment and qualified staff. Pierre-Henri Conac’s chapter looks specifically at the enforcement of corporate governance rules, including corporate governance codes. His chapter encompasses both private shareholder litigation as well as enforcement by regulators and stock exchanges, focusing mainly on European jurisdictions, the United States, and Brazil. The chapter argues that private enforcement should be the main legal method of enforcement, but that public regulation should serve as a stopgap that remedies the deficiencies of the private model.

Conclusion

The literature shows that the comparative picture remains more complex than as portrayed by the original “law and finance” debate. This is particularly true given growing concerns around the globe with issues of sustainability and corporate purpose. However, we also can see increasing convergence in some areas, such as directors’ and shareholders’ duties as well as the enforcement of corporate law. Convergence is not universal, as the example of accounting shows. The continuing evolution of corporate governance debates means that a comparative approach to corporate governance will long prove to be insightful in understanding and analyzing corporate law generally.

This post comes from Afra Afsharipour, a professor and senior associate dean for academic affairs at UC Davis School of Law, and Martin Gelter, a professor at Fordham University School of Law and Research Member of the European Corporate Governance Institute. It is based on their introductory chapter to “Comparative Corporate Governance,” available here.

May 11, 2021

The Evolution of Risk Management Oversight by Indian Boards

[Cross-posted from IndiaCorpLaw]

 

By Afra Afsharipour & Manali Paranjpe

 

Across the globe, the focus on effective risk management has intensified over the past two decades as major corporations have experienced risk management failures due to excessive financial risk taking, environmental catastrophes, accounting and corruption scandals, and the like. The monitoring of risks is a significant priority for corporate managers and boards, as well as for regulators and investors. As the OECD states, “while risk-taking is a fundamental driving force in business and entrepreneurship, the cost of risk management failures is still often underestimated. . . . Corporate governance should therefore ensure that risks are understood, managed, and, when appropriate, communicated.”

 

The board of directors lies at the core of effective risk management. Directors are not responsible for the everyday management of risk. However, the board plays a critical role in overseeing and guiding the risk policy of a company, and in ensuring that appropriate systems of control are in place. Since the 2008 financial crisis, expectations around the board’s risk oversight responsibilities have become heightened as companies face increasingly complex business, regulatory and political environments. Thus, national legislation and corporate governance guidelines and codes by leading international organizations have evolved to stress the role of the board of directors in risk oversight.

 

In our article, forthcoming in the National Law School of India Review, we analyze India’s evolving framework for board oversight of risk management. With the transformation of corporate governance practices in India, the legal and regulatory regimes governing risk management have progressed to largely resemble international standards, with an emphasis on the risk oversight function of boards. The Companies Act, 2013 addresses the board’s risk oversight responsibilities. For listed companies, the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) has issued regulations that require the largest listed companies to form a risk management committee. The emphasis on the board’s oversight of risk management is in line with the corporate governance transformations that have taken place in India which increasingly stress a monitoring role for directors.

 

Despite the shift in the regulation of risk management, studies and surveys suggest that risk management has yet to become a priority at many Indian companies. Furthermore, recent high profile risk management crises highlight the importance, and challenges, of board oversight of corporate risk. While India’s legal framework for board oversight of risk has evolved, two recent crises — the collapse of IL&FS and management failures at ICICI Bank — demonstrate the barriers that directors of Indian companies continue to face in overseeing increasingly complex risks. Our article uses both crises as case studies to reflect on risk management lessons for boards of Indian firms more generally.

 

In addition to corporate crises, the COVID-19 pandemic has brought the issue of board oversight of risk management to the forefront. India as a nation was underprepared to prevent, detect and respond to a pandemic, and the crisis has been a significant one for nearly every board of directors in India. In such a crisis, companies with good governance and risk management systems may be better able to address stakeholder concerns than companies whose boards have not prepared for such calamities.

 

As companies face increasing risk complexity, boards must continually assess the structure of a company’s risk management policies and procedures. Not only are boards charged with overseeing an increasingly complex set of risks, but directors of Indian firms, particularly independent directors, face a variety of barriers in effectively overseeing risk management. Most Indian firms are controlled companies, with board members beholden to controllers and management for access to information. Limited access to independent external advisors such as lawyers, consultants, accountants, and the like, as well as significant dependence on management for obtaining information on business plans, strategies and risk preparedness of the company, can hamper the ability of boards to adequately monitor the company’s risk management policies and procedures. These issues intensify in boards with many outside independent directors.

 

Nevertheless, the barriers faced by directors of Indian firms are not insurmountable. The article’s case study of how the board of Infosys, one of India’s leading technology companies, addressed red flags raised by whistleblowers, illustrates how an empowered board can respond to risk management issues effectively. Actions by the Infosys board provides lessons on how transparent processes and clarity regarding the company’s investigation process allowed the board to assess, identify and manage risks raised by serious allegations. Furthermore, following the crisis, the Infosys board undertook additional steps to strengthen and revise its applicable policies. By responding and taking charge of the governance challenge facing the company, the Infosys board was able to prevent further harm to stakeholder interests as well as its own reputation.

 

Drawing lessons from these case studies, the article concludes with suggestions on how to further enhance the board’s risk oversight function. Stronger governance, more robust risk management strategies and capable board leadership and oversight will make priceless contributions to both Indian companies and to the Indian economy.


[Afra Afsharipour is Senior Associate Dean for Academic Affairs & Professor of Law at UC Davis School of Law and Manali Paranjpe a Research Associate at The Conference Board, India]


February 5, 2021

Lessons from India's struggle with corporate purpose

By Afra Afsharipour

[Cross-posted from the CLS Blue Sky Blog]

The escalating debate over corporate purpose is not confined to developed economies in the West. Rapidly developing economies in nations like India are similarly grappling with how to define and develop a legal framework around corporate purpose. Corporate social responsibility (CSR) and a re-examination of corporate purpose have been at the centerpiece of discussions about corporate governance reforms in India. In a new book chapter, I discuss the lessons that can be learned from India’s experience with corporate purpose.

For over a decade, India has taken a multi-pronged approach toward redefining corporate purpose. Voluntary guidelines issued by the Indian Ministry of Corporate Affairs (MCA) have approached stakeholderism, CSR, and sustainability as part of corporate strategic planning and a company’s business policies under the oversight of the board of directors. In 2013, India enacted the new Companies Act. The act altered the fiduciary responsibilities of boards of directors, with Section 166 providing that directors must “act in good faith in order to promote the objects of the company for the benefit of its members as a whole, and in the best interests of the company, its employees, the shareholders, the community and for the protection of environment.” The act also imposed mandatory CSR responsibilities on corporate boards with a comply or explain approach toward CSR spending. More recently, there have even been efforts to make this approach mandatory. And in 2019, the MCA issued yet another set of National Guidelines for Responsible Business Conduct to encourage Indian businesses to reflect on their purposes and to contribute towards wider development goals while seeking to maximize their profits. In addition to the MCA, the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI), the nation’s securities regulator, has also required substantial additional sustainability disclosures by the largest listed companies.

The success of India’s multi-pronged initiatives has been mixed. The CSR provisions of the Companies Act have led to a large increase in philanthropy. However, philanthropic spending is unevenly distributed. Moreover, the promise and future of the CSR requirement of the Companies Act is uncertain, particularly considering the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Similarly, the stakeholder provisions of the Companies Act suffer from lofty rhetoric unmatched by either practice or legal remedies for stakeholders. SEBI’s disclosure rules have significantly increased transparency for the largest Indian companies. With greater disclosures, stakeholders are positioned to engage with companies more effectively and meaningfully about their social responsibilities beyond profits. Nevertheless, mandatory CSR, a stakeholder-oriented approach to corporate law, and additional sustainability disclosures have made little dent in India’s massive inequality, poverty, corruption, or pollution.

It is not surprising that India has struggled so intensely with a stakeholder-oriented approach to corporate purpose. The ownership structure of Indian firms plays a significant role in challenging the stakeholder-driven corporate purpose efforts in India. Controlling shareholders (referred to as promoters in the Indian context) are the most powerful players in corporate India. For many promoter families, shareholder wealth maximization aligns directly with their own interests. In addition, the philanthropy approach of India’s CSR provisions provides promoters with a philanthropic glow that aligns with the promoter’s self-interest.

Concentrated ownership can also create opportunities for stakeholderism to transform into mutually beneficial relationships between the government and powerful promoters. In the Indian context, the government has used private firms to promote its policy objectives of development and growth. But private firms have also been used as an instrument of rent extraction for political purposes. For example, companies are increasingly contributing CSR funds into the Prime Minister’s Relief Fund, but there is little transparency in how such funds are spent. Furthermore, there are concerns that contributions to government-controlled funds undermine the work of non-governmental organizations.

Many experts argue that promoter power has expanded significantly post-economic liberalization with greater links between political and business elites. Powerful promoters are often the biggest funders of political campaigns. Business elites are deeply involved in political decisions and policy making, serving on a variety of parliamentary committees that recommend important policy decisions for the government. Furthermore, a number of prominent industrialists have entered politics, primarily through serving in the upper house of Parliament (Rajya Sabha). In controlled companies, companies’ CSR policies may inevitably reflect the interests of promoters, including their political interests and aspirations, as well as their views on social reality and values.

The Indian experience presents an important perspective to the corporate purpose debate from a country where firms are dominated by controlling stockholders. In a country where politics and business are deeply intertwined, and where powerful controlling stockholders have an outsized role, stakeholderism may make little headway. Instead, the Indian approach to stakeholderism provides an environment where corporations can use their CSR efforts and corporate purpose rhetoric to curry political favor with the state, while the state can use stakeholderism to politically signal that it values society, even in the face of rising inequality, pollution, and persistent poverty.

January 15, 2021

Lessons From India's Struggles With Corporate Purpose

[Cross-posted from Oxford Business Law Blog]

By Afra Afsharipour

The escalating debate over corporate purpose is not confined to Western developed economies. Rapidly developing economies like India are similarly grappling with how to define and develop a legal framework around corporate purpose. Corporate social responsibility (CSR) and a re-examination of corporate purpose have been at the center of discussions about corporate governance reforms in India. In this book chapter, forthcoming in the Research Handbook on Corporate Purpose and Personhood (2021), I discuss the lessons that can be learned from India’s experience with corporate purpose.


For over a decade, India has taken a multi-pronged approach toward redefining corporate purpose. Voluntary guidelines issued by the Indian Ministry of Corporate Affairs have approached stakeholderism, CSR and sustainability as part of corporate strategic planning and a company’s business policies under the oversight of the board of directors. In 2013, India enacted a new Companies Act. The Act altered the fiduciary responsibilities of the board of directors, with Section 166 of the Act providing that directors must ‘act in good faith in order to promote the objects of the company for the benefit of its members as a whole, and in the best interests of the company, its employees, the shareholders, the community and for the protection of environment.’ The Act also imposed mandatory CSR responsibilities on corporate boards with a comply or explain approach toward CSR spending. More recently, there have even been efforts to transform this comply or explain approach to CSR spending into a mandatory one. And in 2019, the Ministry of Corporate Affairs issued yet another set of National Guidelines for Responsible Business Conduct to encourage Indian businesses to reflect on their purpose and to contribute towards wider development goals while seeking to maximize their profits. In addition to the Ministry of Corporate Affairs, the Securities and Exchange Board of India, the nation’s securities regulator, has also stepped in to require substantial additional sustainability disclosures by the largest listed companies.


The success of India’s multi-pronged initiatives has been mixed. The CSR provisions of the Companies Act have led to a large increase in philanthropy. However, while domestic philanthropic giving has increased significantly, it is unevenly distributed. Moreover, the promise and future of the CSR requirement of the Companies Act is uncertain, particularly with the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Similarly, the stakeholder provisions of the Companies Act suffer from lofty rhetoric unmatched by either practice or legal remedies for stakeholders. The Securities and Exchange Board of India’s disclosure rules have significantly increased transparency for the largest Indian companies. With greater disclosures, stakeholders are positioned to engage with companies more effectively and meaningfully about their social responsibilities beyond profits. Nevertheless, mandatory CSR, a stakeholder-oriented approach to corporate law, and additional sustainability disclosures have made little dent in India’s massive inequality, poverty, corruption and pollution.


It is not surprising that India has struggled so intensely with a stakeholder-oriented approach to corporate purpose. The ownership structure of Indian firms plays a significant role in challenging the stakeholder-driven corporate purpose efforts in India. Controlling shareholders (referred to as promoters in the Indian context) are the most powerful players in corporate India. For many promoter families, shareholder wealth maximization aligns directly with their own interests. In addition, the philanthropy approach of India’s CSR provisions provides promoters with a philanthropic glow that aligns with the promoter’s self-interest.


Concentrated ownership can also create opportunities for stakeholderism to transform into mutually beneficial relationships between the government and powerful promoters. In the Indian context, the government has used private firms to promote its policy objectives of development and growth. But private firms have also been used as an instrument of rent extraction for party and political purposes. For example, companies are increasingly contributing CSR funds into the Prime Minister’s Relief Fund, but there is little transparency in how such funds are spent. Furthermore, there are concerns that contributions to government-controlled funds undermine the work of non-governmental organizations.


Many experts argue that promoter power has expanded significantly post-economic liberalization with greater links between political and business elites. Powerful promoters are often the biggest funders of political campaigns. Business elites are deeply involved in political decisions and policy making, serving on a variety of parliamentary committees that recommend important policy decisions for the government. Furthermore, a number of prominent industrialists have entered politics, primarily through serving in the upper house of Parliament (Rajya Sabha). In controlled companies, companies’ CSR policies may inevitably reflect the interests of promoters, including their political interests and aspirations, as well as their views on social reality and values.


The Indian experience presents an important perspective for the corporate purpose debate from a country where firms are dominated by controlling stockholders. In a country where politics and business are deeply intertwined, and where powerful controlling stockholders have an outsized role, stakeholderism may make little headway. Instead, the Indian approach to stakeholderism provides an environment where corporations can use their CSR efforts and corporate purpose rhetoric to curry political favor with the state, while the state can use stakeholderism to politically signal that it values society, even in the face of rising inequality, pollution and persistent poverty.

September 17, 2020

Corporate governance in negotiated takeovers: The changing comparative landscape

[Cross-posted from the Oxford Business Law Blog]

By Afra Afsharipour

Takeover transactions raise significant corporate governance questions about the allocation of decision-making power among firm participants, whether and to what extent participants are constrained in their exercise of decision-making power, and whether and to what extent participants can be held accountable for their decisions. Public company M&A deals, especially, involve complex steps and contracts, and are transactions that unfold over time. This timeline involves a variety of decisions for the board of each company, and the ultimate decisions made by the board can be subject to shareholder voting or acceptance. The rules designed to address corporate governance in takeovers often reflect the ownership structure prevalent in a particular jurisdiction, but they also reflect the political power of interest groups that influence the law. The result is thus a mishmash of rules that attempt to balance both concerns about ownership structure and the desires of powerful interest groups.

In a forthcoming book chapter, I consider how corporate governance concerns are reflected in the law’s approach to regulating friendly takeovers, ie acquisitions by third party bidders that are negotiated and supported by the management of the target company. Two countries with similar capital markets and institutional frameworks, the US and UK, approach these corporate governance concerns and the balance of power between the board of directors and shareholders in increasingly divergent ways. I argue that while the UK approach to friendly takeovers constrains director power, the US approach continues to maintain and reinforce the centrality of director decision-making.

The UK is characterized by ex-ante rules that constrain managerial power and favor shareholder voice, whether deals are done via a takeover or some other structure such as a scheme of arrangement. For both structures, UK rules provide a significant voice, through voting rights or otherwise, for target shareholders. In a departure from the US model, in acquisitions of a significant size shareholders of UK bidder firms also have voting rights that constrain bidder boards. Furthermore, while the US takes a board-centric approach to director power in erecting takeover barriers, the Takeover Code limits the ability of directors to diminish or ‘frustrate’ shareholder power through takeover defenses. Significantly for friendly deals, in 2011 the UK revised its takeover rules to also dramatically constrain the power of directors to negotiate deal protection mechanisms. A key principle in the UK’s approach to friendly takeovers is constraint on director power and negotiating leverage. The shareholder-centric approach of the UK in many ways reflects the power of institutional investors who have been central to the drafting and design of the Takeover Code.

In balancing corporate governance concerns in friendly takeovers, the US has historically emphasized the interplay between ex ante protections (ie disclosure and shareholder voice) and ex post policing (ie litigation) in ways that reflect a director-centric approach. Shareholder voice is more constrained than in the UK. Not only is the voting threshold lower for shareholder voting in M&A deals, but bidder shareholders are often deprived of voting rights even in significant transactions. While shareholders may have a voice, the transaction is controlled by management. Management controls the timing and negotiation of the deal, as well as the information upon which shareholders rely in deciding whether to approve the matter or to tender in their shares. The shareholders’ vote on a deal hinges on the structure of the deal as designed by directors, including the deal protection provisions of the transaction. Unlike in the UK, directors of US firms have wide latitude to design deal protection measures. In fact, over the past decade, deal protection mechanisms have become stronger in the US with a proliferation and expansion of a variety of mechanisms that provide management with tools to protect its preferred deal.

Cognizant of management control and their conflicting incentives in negotiating takeovers, Delaware law has historically provided target shareholders two avenues to hold directors accountable through the courts—fiduciary duty litigation and appraisal rights. Over the past decade both avenues have been eroded by new doctrine. Shareholders seeking to pursue a claim for breach of fiduciary duties in a friendly takeover can file a suit for a preliminary injunction seeking to bring forth additional disclosure or to modify the merger agreement, particularly deal protection measures. Since the mid-2010s, however, the Delaware courts have tightened the standard for preliminary injunctions in merger cases, thus limiting shareholders’ ability to pursue fiduciary-based claims. Through the Corwin case and its progeny, the Delaware courts have also limited ex-post judicial review of board decisions in third-party takeovers. These decisions were a systematic move by the Delaware Courts to place limits on the wave of merger-related litigation sweeping its courts.

Under Delaware law, in certain takeovers, stockholders are entitled to an appraisal right; that is to refuse to accept the consideration offered and instead turn to the courts to determine the fair value of their shares. Appraisal was long seen as a limited remedy, but in the last decade appraisal actions gained steam with sophisticated investors acting as dissenting shareholders. The increase in appraisal actions led to a trio of important decisions by the Delaware Supreme Court.  These decisions place great emphasis on the agreed-to deal price as the ‘fair value’, substantially weakening appraisal as a remedy. The courts’ deference to deal price is driven by many of the same considerations that have driven limitations on fiduciary duty litigation in friendly takeovers.

Overall, Delaware jurisprudence now emphasizes the value of ex ante methods—such as deal process or deal-requirements like shareholder voting—to address corporate governance concerns. The shifts in Delaware have been depicted as elevating governance and procedure over costly and uncertain litigation. Some commentators have even argued that these moves recognize increased shareholder power in the US and bring Delaware closer to the UK model where the primary role of the target board is ensuring a stockholder vote.

I argue, however, that once we take into account the authority that boards have in designing a deal and putting into place a wide variety of deal protection mechanisms, the move toward expanding the value of ex ante shareholder voice and devaluing ex-post litigation in reality maintains and reinforces management power in Delaware. This is not surprising. The Delaware approach to takeovers, with courts as the arbiter of corporate governance disputes, has long been concerned with maintaining the centrality of board decision-making. And when that centrality came under attack with the rise in fiduciary duty and appraisal litigation, the courts responded to the significant management backlash to these rising trends by reverting to the pro-manager approach of Delaware jurisprudence. Thus, Delaware maintains the deference given to board decisions and continues to insulate director decisions on deal protection from second-guessing by shareholders or courts. Similarly, the turn in appraisal jurisprudence reflects judicial faith in deal process as designed by boards and management. While the US litigation regime now appears to elevate the value of a shareholder vote in friendly deals, this vote is in the context of deals that have been designed through a plethora of deal protection mechanisms to tie the hands of shareholders and leave them stuck with the deal as presented by management.

The primacy of directors under the US regime becomes even more pronounced when one compares that regime with the UK’s, which places significant constraints on the board’s ability to negotiate deal protection devices. The question remains open, however, as to which system is better for the corporation and its shareholders.

Afra Afsharipour is Senior Associate Dean for Academic Affairs & Professor of Law at the UC Davis School of Law.

November 2, 2017

The Original Meaning of the Alien Tort Statute

By William Dodge

[Cross-posted from Just Security]

At oral argument in Jesner v. Arab Bank, Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch raised a theory about the about the original meaning of the Alien Tort Statute (ATS), a provision of the First Judiciary Act of 1789 that gave the district courts cognizance “of all causes where an alien sues for a tort only in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States.” Relying on the work of Professors Anthony Bellia and Bradford Clark, Justice Gorsuch suggested that the ATS was originally intended to grant jurisdiction only when the defendant was a U.S. citizen. In a post on Lawfare, Bellia and Clark try to explain why Justice Gorsuch is right. Here, I try to explain why Bellia and Clark are wrong.

The Supreme Court has examined the history of the ATS before. In Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, relying on the amicus brief of professors of federal jurisdiction and legal history that I wrote, the Court traced the origins of the ATS to a 1781 resolution of the Continental Congress recommending that the states punish offenses against the law of nations and authorize suits for damages by the injured parties. The Court noted that the issue was given fresh urgency by the 1784 Marbois incident, in which a French adventurer assaulted the Secretary of the French Legation in Philadelphia, François Barbé-Marbois. The Court concluded that Congress passed the ATS to cover the three offenses against the law of nations that Blackstone had listed in his Commentaries on the Laws of England—offences against ambassadors, violations of safe-conducts, and piracy. Finally, the Court held that ATS claims based on modern international law should be limited to norms as generally accepted and as specifically defined as those eighteenth century paradigms. 

Bellia and Clark’s theory of the ATS’s coverage is narrower than Sosa’s in some ways and broader in others. Their theory is narrower because it is limited to torts committed by U.S. citizens. As Bellia and Clark explain, the eighteenth-century law of nations “required the United States (like all nations) to redress acts of violence by its own citizens against citizens of foreign nations (with whom the United States was at peace) by imposing criminal punishment, extraditing the offender, or providing a civil remedy. Failure to redress such violence in one of these ways gave the offended nation just cause to retaliate against the United States, including through war.” Their theory is broader because it is not limited to the three paradigms that Blackstone identified but encompasses all “acts of violence by a citizen of one nation against the citizen of another.” Indeed, Bellia and Clark deny that the ATS was intended to reach offenses against ambassadors, violations of safe conducts, and piracy at all. Congress addressed these violations of the law of nations separately, and apparently exclusively, by making them criminal offenses in the Crimes Act of 1790. They write, “the ATS was not duplicative of other federal statutes.” Thus, if Justice Gorsuch really wants to follow Bellia and Clark, he would have to abandon the Sosa test for actionable norms, for it makes no sense to tie the ATS cause of action to eighteenth-century paradigms that the ATS was not supposed to cover. He would have to conclude instead that all acts of violence committed by U.S. defendants, natural persons and corporations alike, are torts in violation of the law of nations for which aliens may bring suit in federal court under the ATS.

There is no doubt that the founding generation was concerned about violations of the law of nations for which the United States might be held responsible by other nations. But the text and history of the ATS show that Congress’s concerns were not limited to violations committed by U.S. citizens. The text and history of the ATS also refute just about every other aspect of Bellia and Clark’s theory.

The 1781 Resolution

First, take the 1781 resolution of the Continental Congress that Sosa recognized as the forerunner of the ATS. (As Sarah Cleveland and I have noted, this resolution was also the forerunner of the Offenses Clause in the U.S. Constitution.) The resolution recommended that the states “provide expeditious, exemplary and adequate punishment” for “offences against the law of nations.” Contrary to Bellia and Clark’s theory, the resolution did not refer generally to all acts of violence by U.S. citizens against citizens of foreign nations but specifically listed violations of safe conducts, infractions of the immunities of ambassadors, and infractions of treaties to which the United States was party. This enumeration tracks Blackstone’s list of offenses against the law of nations, with the addition of treaties (which were commonly understood to be part of the law of nations) and the omission of piracy (which the Continental Congress already had authority to punish by itself under the Articles of Confederation).

Contrary to Bellia and Clark’s theory, the 1781 resolution also shows that the Continental Congress saw no inconsistency in providing a civil remedy on top of criminal punishments. The resolution further recommended that the states “authorise suits to be instituted for damages by the party injured.” It is this recommendation that the First Congress later implemented by passing the ATS.

The 1781 resolution does support Bellia and Clark’s theory in one respect. The report of the committee that prepared the resolution expressed concern about offenses against the law of nations “by a citizen of the United States.” But this limitation did not make it into the text of the ATS, and the Marbois incident explains why.

The Marbois Incident

Although the violence against Marbois in 1784 was not inflicted by a citizen of the United States, the French Ambassador considered it a “violation of the laws of Nations” and formally complained to the Continental Congress. Although the national government had no authority to redress this violation, the State of Pennsylvania did, and the assailant was tried and convicted for “an infraction of the law of Nations.”

Bellia and Clark argue that the First Congress addressed the Marbois incident in other ways, by giving the Supreme Court original jurisdiction over cases involving ambassadors and by making assaults on ambassadors a criminal offense. But the fact that a replay of the Marbois incident would have been covered by Section 13 of the Judiciary Act because it involved a foreign diplomat does not mean that such an incident would not also have been covered by Section 9 of the Judiciary Act because it involved a tort in violation of the law of nations. Jurisdictional grants often overlap. Nor does the fact that Congress provided criminal punishment for assaults on ambassadors and other public ministers show that Congress would not also have wanted to allow the injured minister to bring a civil suit in federal court (as Bellia and Clark appear to concede by invoking Section 13’s provision allowing civil suits).

In light of this history, it seems implausible that the First Congress would not have understood the ATS’s reference to “all causes where an alien sues for a tort only in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States” to include a case like the Marbois incident. After all, Blackstone had listed infringement of the rights of ambassadors as an offense against the law of nations. The Continental Congress had done the same in 1781, urging the states to punish such violations and permit suits for damages. And when such an event had actually occurred in Philadelphia, both the French ambassador and the Pennsylvania court had condemned it as a violation of the law of nations, despite the fact that it had not been committed by a citizen of the United States.

The Text of the ATS

The text of the ATS also refutes Bellia and Clark’s theory—both their attempt to narrow the ATS to torts by U.S. citizens and their attempt to broaden it to all acts of violence. As originally enacted, the ATS gave the district courts cognizance “of all causes where an alien sues for a tort only in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States.”

One will notice immediately that, while the ATS limits potential plaintiffs to aliens, it does not limit potential defendants to U.S. citizens. Bellia and Clark argue that “the ATS did not need to spell out that suits by an alien for ‘a tort only in violation of the law of nations’ meant a tort committed by a U.S. citizen.” This limitation would have been obvious, they assert, “[b]ecause the United States’ obligation under the law of nations was limited to redressing harms by U.S. citizens against aliens.” But if it was unnecessary to spell out that the defendant must be a U.S. citizen, it should have been equally unnecessary to spell out that the plaintiff must be an alien. Under their theory, both limitations would have been implicit in the concept of “a tort only in violation of the law of nations.” The fact that Congress imposed one limitation, and not the other, shows that the ATS is not limited to suits brought against U.S. citizens, and the Marbois incident explains why.

It is also telling that early courts did not read the ATS as limited to suits brought against U.S. citizens. Both Moxon v. The Fanny (1793) and Bolchos v. Darrel (1795) involved claims against foreign defendants. If the limitation to U.S. defendants was as obvious as Bellia and Clark suggest, it is odd that neither court mentioned it.

The text of the ATS also refutes Bellia and Clark’s argument that the ATS was intended to reach all acts of violence. Under their theory, the United States would violate the law of nations by failing to provide redress to an injured alien. But the text of the ATS describes the tort itself as being “in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States.” In an earlier post, I relied on the word “committed,” which appears in the current codification of the ATS but not in the original statute. But the basic argument is the same. Under both the original text and the modern text, the ATS requires that the tort violate the law of nation, not that the failure to provide redress does. Blackstone had identified three offenses that would qualify: infringement of the rights of ambassadors, violations of safe-conducts, and piracy. The Continental Congress relied on this list in 1781 when it urged the states to punish offenses against the law of nations and permit suits for damages. There is no reason to think that the First Congress adopted a broader focus when it made good on the 1781 resolution by passing the ATS.

Article III

Bellia and Clark’s final argument is that suits between two aliens violate Article III because they exceed the limits of diversity jurisdiction. The modern answer to that concern is that ATS suits today arise under the federal-common-law cause of action recognized in Sosa. The original answer is that the law of nations was considered part of “the Laws of the United States” for purposes of Article III’s grant of “arising under” jurisdiction. For a full examination of the evidence on both sides, readers should consult Professor Curtis Bradley’s 2002 article and my response. Here, I will limit myself to just four points.

First, Article III’s reference to “Laws of the United States” is broader than Article VI’s reference to “Laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance [of this Constitution].” The difference in text suggests that there is at least one category of laws that are “Law of the United States” but not made under the Constitution, and the law nations would seem to be the most likely candidate. Second, many of the plans and drafts at the Constitutional Convention on which the final Constitution was based provided for federal jurisdiction over cases arising under the law of nations. Third, during the ratification debates, a number of people read Article III as extending to cases arising under the law of nations. John Jay praised the breadth of Article III in Federalist No. 3, arguing that “[u]nder the national government, treaties and articles of treaties, as well as the law of nations, will always be expounded in one sense,” while William Grayson criticized it at the Virginia ratifying convention for covering “all cases depending on the law of nations.”

Finally, interpreting Article III’s “arising under” grant to include the law of nations will not open the floodgates to suits under international law. Article III is not self-executing. Congress must pass a statute to give lower federal courts jurisdiction. The general federal question statute is narrower than the Article III grant, and Sosa suggested in a footnote that the statutory grant should not be interpreted reach claims arising under the law of nations.

But interpreting Article III’s “arising under” grant to include the law of nations would allow ATS to cover cases between two aliens that involve torts in violation of the law of nations—cases like Marbois’s in the eighteenth century, and cases like Filartiga and Jesner today. That is plainly what Congress intended.

October 2, 2017

Corporate Liability for Human Rights Violations: A Preview of Jesner v. Arab Bank, PLC

By William Dodge

[Cross-posted from Just Security]

On October 11, the U.S. Supreme Court will hear oral argument in Jesner v. Arab Bank, PLC on the question whether corporations can be sued for human rights violations under the Alien Tort Statute (ATS). This will be the second time the question of corporate liability has come before the Court. In 2011, the Supreme Court granted cert to consider the same question in Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co., but after oral argument the Court asked for additional briefing on the geographic scope of the ATS cause of action. Ultimately, the Supreme Court affirmed dismissal of the claims in Kiobel on the ground that they did not "touch and concern" the United States with sufficient force to displace the presumption against extraterritoriality. The Court did not reach the question of corporate liability under the ATS, leaving the Second Circuit's categorical rule against such liability intact.

Victims of terror attacks in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza-both U.S. citizens and non-U.S. citizens-alleged that Arab Bank knowingly funneled millions of dollars through its New York branch to finance these attacks and reward the families of suicide bombers. The U.S.-citizen plaintiffs sued under the Antiterrorism Act (ATA), while the non-U.S.-citizen plaintiffs sued under the ATS. In the ATA suit, the district court found that Arab Bank knowingly provided financial services to persons that it knew to be terrorists. In the ATS suit, the district court dismissed, and the Second Circuit affirmed the dismissal, on the sole ground that under circuit precedent ATS cannot be brought against corporations.

The arguments in Jesner fall into three groups:

1) whether customary international law permits corporate liability;

2) whether, as a matter of U.S. domestic law, the ATS cause of action should be interpreted to permit corporate liability;

3) whether the case against Arab Bank should be dismissed on some other ground.

Whether Customary International law Permits Corporate Liability

Whether customary international law permits corporate liability is in some sense the threshold question, because the ATS gives federal courts jurisdiction over actions "by an alien for a tort only, in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States." In Kiobel, the Second Circuit held that corporations could never be held liable under the ATS because there is no "norm of corporate liability under customary international law." The Second Circuit relied heavily on the fact that international criminal tribunals from Nuremberg to the ICC had been given jurisdiction only over natural persons. 

The detailed analysis in the amicus brief of Nuremberg Scholars, however, shows it was understood at Nuremberg that juridical persons could violate international law and be held legal accountable for doing so. The amicus brief filed by Ambassador David Scheffer, who led the U.S. delegation in the negotiations that established the ICC, explains that corporations were excluded from the Rome Statute because of a lack of consensus on criminal, rather than civil liability, which posed problems under the ICC's principle of complementarity. The amicus brief filed on behalf of International Law Scholars argues more generally that limitations on the jurisdiction of particular courts are not limitations on customary international law norms themselves. It explains that customary international law prohibits violations of fundamental human rights but leaves it to nations to enforce such norms-collectively through mechanisms like international criminal tribunals and suppression conventions, and individually through their own domestic laws. (Full disclosure: I am counsel of record for the International Law Scholars.)

The amicus brief filed by the United States agrees that international law "establishes substantive standards of conduct but generally leaves each nation with substantial discretion as to the means of enforcement within its own jurisdiction." The United States adds that the norms actionable under the ATS, like torture, genocide, and war crimes, "neither require nor necessarily contemplate a distinction between natural and juridical actors." The amicus brief of the Yale Law School Center for Global Legal Challenges fleshes out the latter point, showing that eight customary international law prohibitions-genocide, crimes against humanity, financing terrorism, torture, extrajudicial killing, war crimes, slavery, and piracy-both meet the Sosa-standard for actionable norms under the ATS and extend to corporations. And the amicus brief of Canadian International and National Security Law Scholars elaborates on financing terrorism as a violation of international law.

Respondent Arab Bank and the amicus brief filed by the Chamber of Commerce do little to meet these arguments, largely limiting themselves to repeating what the Second Circuit said in Kiobel. The amicus brief filed on behalf of Professors of International Law, Foreign Relations Law, and Federal Jurisdiction makes an additional argument that the ATS should be limited to claims for violations of international law that, if left unaddressed, might give other countries just cause for war against the United States. This argument finds no support in the text of the ATS, however, which refers without limitation to torts "in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States." This argument also fails to account for piracy, which the Supreme Court recognized in Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain as one of the three paradigm offenses the ATS was intended to address and which (unlike violations of safe-conducts and infringement of the rights of ambassadors) would not have given other countries cause for war if left unaddressed.

Whether the ATS Cause of Action Should Permit Corporate Liability

Whether the ATS cause of action recognized in Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain should apply to corporations as a matter of U.S. domestic law is a separate question from whether customary international law permits it to do so. Petitioners note that while the language of the ATS limits potential plaintiffs to aliens, it does not limit potential defendants in any way. Petitioners also argue that the ATS's use of the word "tort" supports corporate liability because tort actions could presumptively be brought against corporations both at the time the ATS was enacted and today. And petitioners note the history of holding entities like ships directly responsible for piracy, one of the paradigm violations of the law of nations that the ATS was intended to reach. Amicus briefs filed by Professors of Legal History and by Procedural and Corporate Law Professors discuss the liability of juridical entities at the time the ATS was enacted and today.

In Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, the Supreme Court suggested that it would look for "legislative guidance" in shaping the federal-common-law cause of action under the ATS. Petitioners note that most federal statutes authorize corporate liability. But they point in particular to the ATA-the statute that U.S.-citizen plaintiffs successfully used to sue Arab Bank-which creates a cause of action for victims of terrorism and, like the ATS, does not distinguish between corporations and natural persons as defendants. Respondent Arab Bank, on the other hand, argues that the Supreme Court should look for guidance to the Torture Victim Protection Act (TVPA), which Congress passed in 1992 to create an express cause of action for torture and extrajudicial killing. In Mohamad v. Palestinian Authority, the Supreme Court held that Congress limited liability to natural persons by using the word "individual," a word not found in the ATS.

The amicus brief filed by the United States agrees with petitioners that the ATS cause of action should reach corporate defendants. The United States notes that the TVPA is expressly limited to natural persons by virtue of the word "individual," while the ATS does not distinguish among classes of defendants. The United States also points to the long history of corporate tort liability in England and the United States. Finally, the United States notes the early understanding that corporations could be plaintiffs under the ATS and that excluding corporations as defendants would be in "considerable tension" with that understanding.

The last point suggests a more general reason why the Supreme Court may be reluctant categorically to exempt corporations from ATS claims. The Court has been criticized in recent years for extending the rights of natural persons to corporations in cases like Citizens United v. FEC. Whether or not such criticism is justified, it would certainly seem odd to many Americans to say that corporations can have the rights of natural persons but cannot be held liable like natural persons when they violate human rights.

Other Grounds

Respondent Arab Bank argues that if the Supreme Court overturns the Second Circuit's categorical prohibition of ATS suits against corporations, it should affirm dismissal of the claims in this case on other grounds because of the harm this case is causing to Jordan and by extension to U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. This is an argument seconded in various ways in amicus briefs filed by the Kingdom of Jordan, the Central Bank of Jordan, the Union of Arab Banks, the Institute of International Bankers, and Former State Department Officials. On the other hand, Senators Sheldon Whitehouse and Lindsey Graham, Former Counterterrorism and National Security Officials, and Financial Regulation Scholars argue that civil liability for terrorist financing is essential to combatting terrorism.

As for specific alternative grounds, Arab Bank argues that routing wire transfers through New York is not sufficient to satisfy Kiobel's "touch and concern" test, that deciding the case "would force federal courts to wade into profoundly sensitive foreign-policy issues," and that financing terrorism is not an actionable violation of customary international law under the Sosa standard. The United States also suggests that routing wire transfers through New York may not be sufficient to meet the "touch and concern" test in ATS cases, though its brief cautions that "the government could potentially rely on such activity as the basis for a criminal indictment or civil enforcement action." To prevent prolonging the suit, the United States suggests that the "touch and concern" issue should be resolved directly by the Second Circuit on remand. Petitioners simply argue that the other grounds raised by Arab Bank should be handled by the lower courts on remand under the ordinary procedures of appellate review.

Arab Bank's heavy emphasis on other grounds might make one doubt its confidence in its arguments with respect to corporate liability. But if the Supreme Court were to reverse the Second Circuit's categorical ban on corporate liability in ATS suits, Arab Bank would still have a number of ways to argue that this particular suit should be dismissed. More generally, as I have explained elsewhere, ATS suits against corporations will continue to face a number of significant challenges, from establishing personal jurisdiction, to meeting the mens rea standard for aiding and abetting liability, to satisfying Kiobel's "touch and concern" test. Sosa also raised the possibility of "case-specific deference to the political branches" if the State Department files a statement of interest addressing foreign policy concerns, something it has not done in Jesner.

Four years ago, in Kiobel, the Supreme Court did what Arab Bank now suggests. It avoided the corporate liability question and resolved the case on other grounds. The circuit split that the Court preserved is now six years old. Every other circuit to have addressed the question has concluded that the Second Circuit is wrong.  Rather than duck the question again and have to grant cert for a third time, the Supreme Court should take this opportunity to decide whether the ATS categorically forecloses corporate liability.

January 20, 2017

Serving as Visiting Scholar at National Chiao-Tung University in Taiwan

I had the honor of serving as a visiting scholar at National Chiao-Tung University, Taiwan during the week of January 8th. My visit was coordinated by Professor Chien-Chung Lin, who has twice visited UC Davis School of Law to present papers at the American Society of Comparative Law (ASCL), Younger Comparativists Committee (YCC) Workshop on Comparative Business and Financial Law. Taiwanese corporate law scholars such as Professor Lin have been doing excellent work especially in the area of comparative corporate law, so I was very much looking forward to interacting with some of them.

I began my visit with a fabulous lunch organized by Professor Lin and our own UC Davis JD student, Oscar Yang (himself a 2016 graduate of our LLM program). Oscar and Professor Lin had graciously invited leading Taiwanese lawyers for the lunch, including Prosecutor Jawyang Huang, Taipei District Prosecutors Office. Mr. Huang has been a visiting scholar at Yale University School of Law and was Oscar's supervisor in the Office of Trade Negotiations, in charge of WTO dispute settlement cases. We were joined by two of Oscar's former colleagues who were both fabulous company, Ms. Jenny Van, Senior Legal Adviser in Office of Trade Negotiations and Mr. Jason Lai, Secretary to the Director-General of Bureau of Foreign Trade.  It was a terrific lunch at one of Taipei's most popular restaurants, Din Tai Fung. After the lunch Mr. Huang gave me a fascinating tour of the Taipei Judicial Building, where I was able to observe a few trials that were being conducted. The efficiency and order at the judicial building was quite impressive.

After the first day in Taipei, Professor Lin took me to Hsinchu, one of the educational centers of Taiwan. The city has several prestigious universities, including National Chiao Tung University and National Tsing Hua University. Hsinchu is also an economic and technology hub in Taiwan with an impressive science and technology industrial park. The science and technology park is home to hundreds of high technology companies including world-renowned firms in the semiconductor space such as TSMC and UMC. Professor Lin gave me a tour of the technology park and given my prior corporate practice experience in the semiconductor space I was quite excited to see the place!

In Hsnichu, I gave three lectures at the two law schools there.

  1. Redefining Corporate Purpose: An International Perspective, at the Institute of Law for Science & Technology, College of Technology Management, National Tsing Hua University in Hsinchu, Taiwan.
  2. Deal Structure and Minority Shareholders, at the School of Law at National Chiao-Tung University, Taiwan
  3. Legal Transplants in the Law of the Deal: M&A Agreements in India at the School of Law at National Chiao-Tung University, Taiwan


Lecturing at NTHU

My visit to National Tsing Hua University was coordinated by Professor Robert Tsai, who is trained as an attorney in both Taiwan and the U.S. The lectures were well-attended, and the audience of professors and law students asked excellent questions.

I also had the opportunity to visit the Taiwan Stock Exchange to learn more about the significant corporate governance initiatives undertaken in Taiwan. I had an informative meeting at the Taiwan Stock Exchange with Mr. Joe Tsun Cheng (Senior Vice President, Corporate Governance Department) and Ms. Tracy Chen (Associate, Corporate Governance), as well as meeting Mr. Lih Chung Chien, Senior Executive Vice President of the Taiwan Stock Exchange. At the meeting we exchanged views on corporate governance initiatives undertaken in Asia, and I detailed some of my scholarly work on the trajectory and possible outcomes of the corporate governance reforms undertaken in India over the last decade. I really enjoyed the intellectual engagement with the professors, lawyers and law students I had the privilege to meet.

Professor Lin had also kindly arranged many opportunities for me to experience the beauty and culture of Taiwan, including visits traditional tea houses, temples and the CKS Memorial Hall and Liberty Square, an afternoon at beautiful hot springs outside of Taipei, a culinary adventure with law students at one of Taipei's fabulous night markets, a tour of the National Palace Museum, several informative walks around the different districts in Taipei, and more delicious meals than I can count.  I could easily have spent weeks enjoying all that Taiwan has to offer from its vibrant coffee culture to its elegant tea houses and lush country side, all topped off by the generous hospitality and friendliness of its people.

If it is not already clear, the trip to Taiwan was truly inspiring, and I look forward to future visits!